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Work and Leisure

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116 A. J. VealFigure 6.1 Participation in sports, games <strong>and</strong> physical activities by socio-economic group,Great Britain, 1987–96Source: based on data from Office for National Statistics 1997in participation rates is pronounced, <strong>and</strong> that there was little change over thedecade. It should, however, be noted that the two extreme groups, professionals<strong>and</strong> unskilled manual, account for only 3.4 per cent <strong>and</strong> 5.9 per centof the workforce respectively; for the middle 90 per cent of the population thedifferences in participation rates are less marked, <strong>and</strong> fell somewhat over thedecade. While this is an incomplete picture, based only on sport <strong>and</strong> physicalrecreation over a comparatively short time-period, it is at least not inconsistentwith the embourgoisement thesis.Roberts (1999: 86–7), however, argues that the ‘class’ element of socioeconomicgroup is no longer important, that differences in patterns of leisureparticipation are influenced more by variations in levels of income <strong>and</strong> othervariables, such as age, gender <strong>and</strong> family situation, than by socio-economicgroup. Thus, he implies, the differences shown in Figure 6.1 are largely due tothe differing income levels of the various groups rather than class-basedcultural differences. The fact that such differential participation rates arereplicated in other areas, such as the arts (Gratton 1996: 117), reflects the factthat people in higher socio-economic groups engage in a wider range ofactivities, primarily, according to Roberts (1999), as a result of their higherincomes. If this were the case, it would follow that the lower levels of participationby members of lower socio-economic groups were due mainly to cost

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