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Work and Leisure

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222 John T. Haworth <strong>and</strong> A. J. Vealdesired. But the uneven distribution of power <strong>and</strong> authority in the workplace,crucial to negotiation, may have increased in recent years in many cases. Yet,as Chapter 10 by Iso-Ahola <strong>and</strong> Mannell indicates, underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the linkbetween active leisure <strong>and</strong> health <strong>and</strong> well-being is necessary to informindividual <strong>and</strong> collective choice <strong>and</strong> societal policy on work-life balance.Similarly, type of work is relevant, as Jiri Zuzanek shows in Chapter 7. Whilefeelings of ‘time crunch’ can have a negative impact on well-being, people canwork long hours without feeling ‘time crunched’ if they have freely chosentheir work <strong>and</strong> are interested in it – though, in families, this may be drawingon ‘collective social capital’ to sustain long hours of work.In developed countries increases in inequalities in income are associatedwith increases in mortality (Wilkinson 1996, 2000, 2002). As inequalitiesincrease, Wilkinson argues, the level of trust within the community decreases<strong>and</strong> the quality of social relations deteriorate with a shift occurring frommore affiliative social strategies based on equity <strong>and</strong> inclusion (friendshiprelations) towards social strategies based on dominance hierarchies withincreased competition for resources, increasing levels of chronic stress. Lowsocial status can mean increased subordination <strong>and</strong> exclusion, <strong>and</strong> adecreased willingness to participate in the community. Insecurities from earlylife can also exacerbate the insecurities <strong>and</strong> stresses that go with low socialstatus. Studies indicate that wellness is achieved by the simultaneous <strong>and</strong>balanced satisfaction of personal, interpersonal <strong>and</strong> collective needs(Prilleltensky 2001). As Zuzanek notes in Chapter 7, individual coping strategies<strong>and</strong> lifestyle modifications alone are not sufficient to offset the negativeimpact of psychological stress on health. He indicates that most pressuresfaced by people in modern societies are social or structural. They are embeddedin the competitive dem<strong>and</strong>s of globalised economies, changing workplaceenvironments, <strong>and</strong> value orientations emphasising rapid material gains<strong>and</strong> conformity with st<strong>and</strong>ardised <strong>and</strong> fast forms of expression prevalent inpopular culture. Pahl (2000, 2001) argues that the way societies are organisedhas a direct effect on the quality of social relationships, which will influencehealth <strong>and</strong> well-being. He considers that a more ruthless commitment tomarket principles <strong>and</strong> the development of a more low-trust society throughmultifarious controls can undermine the friend-rich nature of society <strong>and</strong>decrease well-being.Retirement <strong>and</strong> ageThere is one sense in which a more leisured society has arrived – namely inretirement. A large proportion of the population of the West can now expectto live as much as one-third of their lives in retirement. Increasingly, theyexpect to do so at a st<strong>and</strong>ard of living well above the poverty level. While thisyields a substantial period of leisure at the end of life, ensuring financialsecurity during this period requires additional work in earlier years to pay

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