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Work and Leisure

Work and Leisure

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History of work 23task-orientation typical of traditional <strong>and</strong> agricultural societies to an increasingawareness of clock-time. Lewis Mumford, in chronicling the role of themachine in the development of civilisation, noted that it was the medievalmonasteries <strong>and</strong> their strict daily regime of prayer <strong>and</strong> work, which gave riseto the need for clocks:one is not straining the facts when one suggests that the monasteries – atone time there were 40,000 under Benedictine rule – helped to givehuman enterprise the regular collective beat <strong>and</strong> rhythm of the machine;for the clock is not merely a means of keeping track of the hours, but ofsynchronizing the actions of man . . . by the thirteenth century there aredefinite records of mechanical clocks, <strong>and</strong> by 1370 a well-designed ‘modern’clock had been built by Heinrich von Wyck at Paris . . . The instrumentpresently spread outside the monastery; <strong>and</strong> the regular striking ofthe bells brought a new regularity into the life of the workman <strong>and</strong>merchant. The bells of the clock tower almost defined urban existence.Time-keeping passed into time-serving <strong>and</strong> time-accounting <strong>and</strong>time-rationing. As this took place, Eternity ceased gradually to serveas the measure <strong>and</strong> focus of human activities . . . The clock, not thesteam-engine, is the key-machine of the modern industrial age.(Mumford 1934: 13–14)He goes on to note that ‘A generalised time-consciousness accompanied thewider use of clocks . . . dissociating time from organic sequences’ (Mumford1934: 17). Thus a changing sense of time was underway in Europe, at least inurban areas, from the fourteenth century. However, as Thompson <strong>and</strong> otherhistorians record, at the time of the beginning of the industrial revolution atthe end of the eighteenth century, the transformation from a task-orientatedsense of time to a clock-time orientation was far from complete among urbanworkers <strong>and</strong> was still quite alien to the thous<strong>and</strong>s, <strong>and</strong> eventually millions,who flocked from the countryside to the towns as industrialisation <strong>and</strong>urbanisation unfolded. Steam-driven factory machinery tended by largelabour forces raised the dem<strong>and</strong> for clock-based discipline to a new level: allh<strong>and</strong>s needed to be in place when the machines started <strong>and</strong> they could notstop until the machines did so; <strong>and</strong> every minute the machines were idlemeant lost output <strong>and</strong> lower profits. Despite the fact that, as Bailey (1978: 13)points out, factories were also subject to irregularities, caused by breakdownsor fluctuations in business conditions, the unrelenting dem<strong>and</strong>s of machinesin factories <strong>and</strong> their owners’ determination to maximise profits, called for anincreasingly ‘disciplined’ labour force.O’Malley (1992), however, cautions against an oversimplistic acceptance ofthis thesis. He argues that a life without clocks was not necessarily a leisurelyor disordered life. In particular, in medieval Europe, in ‘everyday affairs<strong>and</strong> for all practical purposes time’s authority . . . came from the Church’

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