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Work and Leisure

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6 John T. Haworth <strong>and</strong> A. J Vealsubject to the effects of the changing national <strong>and</strong> international economy <strong>and</strong>their resultant effects on work. In the words of Bill Clinton’s US presidentialcampaign: ‘It’s the economy, stupid’.The development of the field of leisure studies since the mid-1970s hasbeen characterised by what Chris Rojek (1985: 5) termed ‘paradigmaticrivalry’. Nowhere was this more clearly demonstrated than in John Clarke<strong>and</strong> Chas Critcher’s seminal work of the mid-1980s, The Devil Makes <strong>Work</strong>:<strong>Leisure</strong> in Capitalist Britain, in which they outlined the shortcomings, as theysaw them, of earlier perspectives on leisure, such as those expounded byStanley Parker, Ken Roberts, Rhona <strong>and</strong> Robert Rapoport <strong>and</strong> MichaelYoung <strong>and</strong> Peter Willmott, <strong>and</strong> presented their own critical analysis of thephenomenon of leisure. They sought to discover ‘what leisure can tell usabout the development, structure <strong>and</strong> organisation of the whole society’(Clarke <strong>and</strong> Critcher 1985: xiii). In Chapter 2 of this volume Chas Critcher<strong>and</strong> Peter Bramham review the changes which have taken place in work <strong>and</strong>the economy, in the family <strong>and</strong> social structure <strong>and</strong> in leisure <strong>and</strong> culture inBritain, <strong>and</strong> in social theory, since the late 1970s. They conclude that theanalysis in The Devil Makes <strong>Work</strong> st<strong>and</strong>s the test of time. Changes in thelabour market have been such that increasing productivity <strong>and</strong> wealth havefailed to produce the anticipated across-the-board increase in prosperity <strong>and</strong>leisure time, but have resulted in a growing division between those with highlyskilled <strong>and</strong> paid <strong>and</strong> pressurised jobs <strong>and</strong> the casualised <strong>and</strong> marginalised.Changes in family <strong>and</strong> household structures <strong>and</strong> patterns of child-bearing<strong>and</strong> rearing have not, Critcher <strong>and</strong> Bramham argue, dislodged the family orhousehold unit as the major site for leisure. As for leisure itself, despiteincreasing commodification <strong>and</strong> globalisation of providers <strong>and</strong> products, <strong>and</strong>the associated increased focus on consumption, the traditional critical concernswith production <strong>and</strong> biological <strong>and</strong> cultural reproduction still providethe essential basis for underst<strong>and</strong>ing leisure. It is nevertheless suggested thatthere is a need for ‘some engagement with new kinds of theories whichpurport to encapsulate the nature of recent societal change’.In Chapter 3 Chris Rojek picks up from this point. He considers many ofthe same issues concerning recent economic <strong>and</strong> social change, in particularthe polarisation between the overworked section of the community identifiedin Juliet Schor’s (1991) The Overworked American <strong>and</strong> the increasinglymarginalised <strong>and</strong> insecure mass identified by Ulrich Beck (2000) in the‘Brazilianization thesis’. Rojek addresses the question of solutions to the‘post-work’ world, including the idea of a guaranteed income <strong>and</strong> the possibilityof harnessing unpaid civil labour to undertake work of communitybenefit. But he notes the likely problems of adopting such measures giventhe currently entrenched values of Western society.One of the major criticisms of the study of work–leisure relationships priorto the 1980s was that it was ‘gender-blind’. This was certainly reflected in the1975 <strong>Work</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Leisure</strong> book. While data were available at the time on the

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