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Work and Leisure

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<strong>Work</strong> <strong>and</strong> leisure: themes <strong>and</strong> issues 215system therefore faces an empirical question: what balance of work <strong>and</strong> leisuremaximises consumption <strong>and</strong> hence profits?Consumer culture: ‘work <strong>and</strong> spend’Schor (1991, 2000) sees no end to Americans’ capacity to desire – <strong>and</strong> workfor – material goods, <strong>and</strong> hence no prospect of a more leisured society. WhileClarke <strong>and</strong> Critcher (1985) prescribed socialist measures to counter thepower of the market – <strong>and</strong> possibly to produce a more leisured society –Schor (2000) calls for a ‘new politics of consumption’ – a sort of nonmaterialistconsumer movement Such a call is seen as politically naive by anumber of commentators contributing to the volume edited by Cohen <strong>and</strong>Rogers (2000) <strong>and</strong> would seem to fly in the face of the basic driving mechanismof the capitalist system. Even if most people might ultimately be capableof reaching a level of material satisfaction in absolute terms – <strong>and</strong> hencemight be in a position to embrace the idea of more leisure rather than workingfor more material wealth – this seems elusive while significant social <strong>and</strong>economic inequalities remain, with a wealthy elite parading the pleasures ofever-increasing material prosperity. Capitalism is driven by the principle ofhigh material rewards as incentives for those who take risks <strong>and</strong> can offersought-after, marketable skills. Efforts by those lower down the scale toachieve greater equality seem to be continually matched by the efforts ofthose at the top to stay ahead.As Fred Hirsch pointed out in 1977, many of the goods <strong>and</strong> services whichpeople seek as they become more affluent are positional goods – such as thehouse in a sought-after location or a place in a top school or university. Whilesuch a scenario might suggest a striving after non-material goals, it alsosuggests a competitive drive for resources to achieve those goals. In the 1970s,the ‘catching up’ process was compared with a ‘marching column’ <strong>and</strong>termed the ‘Principle of Stratified Diffusion’ by Young <strong>and</strong> Willmott (1973).This was seen as a relatively benign phenomenon, by which those furtherback in the ‘column’ eventually enjoyed the same goods <strong>and</strong> services as thoseat the front. But if the head of the column keeps moving indefinitely, a moreleisured society will remain for ever out of reach. One part of society constantlytrying to catch up, while the other part is constantly trying to stayahead, hardly seems to be a recipe for a leisured existence. The ‘catching up’syndrome is of course extolled in various mass media, in advertising <strong>and</strong>editorial content, but is also reinforced by unions <strong>and</strong> professional groupswho frequently use comparators with other groups, rather than absolutemeasures of income, to support claims for pay increases on the grounds thatthey are ‘falling behind’, such claims being laced with anxiety-inducingexpressions of concern about loss of status <strong>and</strong> unfair treatment. This processis then replicated internationally by the efforts of countries at the top ofthe international income league table to stay there <strong>and</strong> of those lower down to

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