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Work and Leisure

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8 John T. Haworth <strong>and</strong> A. J Vealwith wider social, cultural <strong>and</strong> economic issues <strong>and</strong> processes, the chapters inPart I suggest that this is no longer the case. In fact, it can be said that, whileit has been more extensively studied <strong>and</strong> become more fully understood, thephenomenon of leisure has been healthily ‘decentred’ (Rojek 1995).Part II Quality of life <strong>and</strong> work <strong>and</strong> leisureThe chapters in the second part of the book bridge traditional <strong>and</strong> newapproaches to the study of well-being <strong>and</strong> quality of life. They address therelationship between work <strong>and</strong> leisure patterns <strong>and</strong> time-pressure <strong>and</strong> stress;stress among working parents; work <strong>and</strong> leisure <strong>and</strong> the concept of wellbeing;the reciprocal relationship between leisure <strong>and</strong> health; <strong>and</strong> seriousleisure, volunteerism <strong>and</strong> the quality of life.In Chapter 7, on ‘<strong>Work</strong>, leisure, time-pressure <strong>and</strong> stress’, Jiri Zuzaneknotes that the questions of whether people living in modern societies areworking longer or shorter hours, or have gained or lost free time, <strong>and</strong> theimplications of any such trends, have been at the centre of sociological, political<strong>and</strong> economic discussion since the 1930s. The analyses of Canadian timeusetrends suggest that, for the employed part of the population, the totalcombined paid <strong>and</strong> unpaid workload has been increasing since the early1980s. However, in the competition for time triggered by higher workloads,employed Canadians have sacrificed time spent on personal needs <strong>and</strong> possiblyeducation rather than their leisure pursuits. Rather than involvingdiscretionary time, feelings of time-pressure seem to be primarily rooted incompetition among various forms of contracted <strong>and</strong> committed time, that ispaid work, family obligations <strong>and</strong>, possibly, voluntary work. Time-use datapoint to society becoming increasingly polarised along time-pressure lines,with some groups exposed to considerably higher levels of time pressure thanothers. The length of paid <strong>and</strong> unpaid working hours is an important, but notthe sole, determinant of subjectively felt time-pressure. Lack of choice, interest,<strong>and</strong> control over working <strong>and</strong> non-working time, <strong>and</strong> a rapid change-overof activities contribute significantly to elevated levels of ‘time crunch’ inmodern societies. Zuzanek notes the growing awareness that individual copingstrategies <strong>and</strong> lifestyle modifications alone are not sufficient to offset thenegative impacts of time-pressure <strong>and</strong> psychological stress on health. Manypressures faced by people in modern societies are social or structural. Theyare embedded in the competitive dem<strong>and</strong>s of globalised economies, changingworkplace environments, value orientations emphasising rapid material gains<strong>and</strong> conformity with st<strong>and</strong>ardised <strong>and</strong> fast forms of expression prevalent inpopular culture. Yet, Zuzanek argues, technological <strong>and</strong> economic progressshould <strong>and</strong> need not clash with the goals of social solidarity, cohesion <strong>and</strong>human development.In Chapter 8 Barbara Schneider, Alisa Ainbinder <strong>and</strong> Mihaly Csikszentmihalyiexamine stress among working parents using the Experience

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