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Work and Leisure

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2 John T. Haworth <strong>and</strong> A. J Vealseen as ‘good’ or ‘bad’. <strong>Leisure</strong> time <strong>and</strong> activity can be used for good or ill<strong>and</strong> that itself will often be a contested, subjective judgement. Of coursepublic policy related to leisure is inevitably normative – leisure policies seekto promote those activities which are deemed, through a political processwhich may or may not be contentious, to be socially beneficial <strong>and</strong> torestrict, or even prohibit, those activities deemed to be socially harmful.Acceptance of the ‘residual’, time-based definition of leisure does notimply a view of leisure as necessarily culturally residual <strong>and</strong> does not denythat leisure has many complex meanings <strong>and</strong> functions for the individual<strong>and</strong> society, which are open to research <strong>and</strong> investigation (Roberts1999: 153).Yet many researchers view leisure in terms of what it is, focusing on dimensionsof positive experience, such as intrinsic motivation <strong>and</strong> autonomy, <strong>and</strong>enjoyment (Iso-Ahola 1980; Neulinger 1981; Mannell <strong>and</strong> Kleiber 1997;Stebbins 1998; Thompson et al. 2002). Interestingly, some of the dimensionsof positive experience studied by leisure researchers have been found to bevery relevant to the study of well-being, which is now an important area ofresearch, <strong>and</strong> will be returned to later in this introduction. It is thereforeimportant to recognise that both residual <strong>and</strong> experiential definitions ofleisure are important. Both types of definition are used by the contributorsto this book, with residual definitions usually being used when large-scalesurvey research <strong>and</strong> trends are discussed, <strong>and</strong> experiential definitions beingused more often when leisure <strong>and</strong> well-being are discussed, though they arenot mutually exclusive.The definition of work has been less problematical than that of leisure.Usually, work is considered to be paid employment. But a significant changesince the mid-1970s has been to emphasise that ‘work’ not only includespaid work, but also includes unpaid domestic <strong>and</strong> childcare work <strong>and</strong> somecommunity voluntary activity. <strong>Work</strong> has often been equated with labour, inline with the Hebrew view that it was imposed on humankind to expiate theoriginal sin committed by its forefathers, or the Protestant view that work wasof service to God. Yet, as noted in Haworth <strong>and</strong> Smith (1975), ifa restricted definition of work is used, such as ‘to earn a living’, this canequally restrict the constructs which are used to study work <strong>and</strong> thushave important theoretical significance. Practically, it may encourage theattitude in management, trade unions <strong>and</strong> employees, that work need notbe a meaningful experience.(Haworth <strong>and</strong> Smith 1975: 1)But work is important to human functioning. Kohn <strong>and</strong> Schooler (1983)indicate that where work has substantive complexity there is an improvementin mental flexibility <strong>and</strong> self-esteem. Csikszentmihalyi <strong>and</strong> LeFevre (1989),studying ‘optimal experience’ or ‘flow’ in a range of occupations, found that

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