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Work and Leisure

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Gender, work <strong>and</strong> leisure 73the impact of gender on leisure was a ‘study of the influence of prevailingnotions of male <strong>and</strong> female roles on access to free time, <strong>and</strong> of ways ofspending it’ (Green et al. 1987: 3). So, although both men’s <strong>and</strong> women’sleisure opportunities may be bounded by apparently similar constraints, suchas paid employment <strong>and</strong> parenthood or poverty <strong>and</strong> loneliness, these factorsimpinge in different ways <strong>and</strong> to a greater or lesser extent on women <strong>and</strong> men.For example, some constraints, such as the fear of being out alone after dark,apply to most women but to few men. Others apply to both women <strong>and</strong> menin particular social groups, such as those in the same age group or socioeconomiccategory, but here gender can be a significant source of difference.For example, elderly white men on low incomes who are lonely, still generallyhave available the choice of going out to a pub or club, even if one drink hasto last them the evening, whereas this is less likely to be seen as a viable leisureactivity for a similarly placed woman.The study showed categorically that women had less time for leisure thanmen <strong>and</strong> less time which was ‘unambiguously free’, mainly because wives <strong>and</strong>mothers hold primary responsibility for domestic labour, which is not conditionalon any paid work they may do. Outside the home, women undertakea smaller range of leisure activities less frequently than men. Any studymust be situated in its broad social context: ‘leisure cannot be adequatelyresearched without taking into account the principal social divisions of gender,class, race, <strong>and</strong> age group, because it is clearly structured by them’ (Greenet al. 1987b: 9). It is clear that, in terms of gender, inequalities in access to theresources needed for leisure, such as free time, money <strong>and</strong> access to transport,are to some extent legitimised by prevailing definitions of masculine <strong>and</strong>feminine roles:This can be seen in common sense assumptions about differencesbetween the sexes, not least the notion that somehow men ‘need’ leisuremore than women, or are more entitled to it, because of their relation topaid work. The same belief explains the continuing male control of manypublic places where leisure activities take place.(Green et al. 1987b: 10)This echoed the findings of Deem’s (1986) research carried out in MiltonKeynes during the same period.The Sheffield study was also the first to signify <strong>and</strong> to provide evidencethat, while all women are oppressed primarily by gender relations <strong>and</strong>patriarchy, they are nonetheless a heterogeneous group. The implications ofthis are that women have different inclinations <strong>and</strong> social situations <strong>and</strong> thattheir wants <strong>and</strong> needs are different: some issues do affect large groups ofwomen, such as the cost of leisure, care facilities for children <strong>and</strong> older relatives<strong>and</strong> availability of activity sessions for women only, at times of the daywhen they feel comfortable. But the underlying need is to involve women

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