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ghana climate change vulnerability and adaptation assessment

ghana climate change vulnerability and adaptation assessment

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of credit or attract potential investors, reducing agricultural productivity. Furthermore, tentative <strong>and</strong> changingterms of tenure lead to uncertain, <strong>and</strong> therefore shorter, planning horizons. Short-term planning is less likelyto entail large investments in productive assets or new technologies, as there is little opportunity for thetenant to capture any benefits from long-term investments. The same is true for investments in tree planting<strong>and</strong> sustainable forestry. Tenants are much more likely to maximize profits in the short term to ensure thatthey do not lose their investment. Thus, insecure tenure often leads to l<strong>and</strong> degradation <strong>and</strong> is economicallyunsustainable in the long term (Place <strong>and</strong> Hazell 1993; Lopez 1995; Hayes et al. 1997; Place & Migot-Adholla1998).L<strong>and</strong> scarcity <strong>and</strong> disputes over family l<strong>and</strong> were less common survey responses, but are likely to becomelarger problems in the future <strong>and</strong> may be locally important. For each successive generation available farml<strong>and</strong>is reduced, either through processes of commercialization <strong>and</strong> urbanization, or by the natural fragmentation<strong>and</strong> parcelization that occurs when l<strong>and</strong> is split between family members. The resulting smaller <strong>and</strong> noncontinuousplots will not provide for productive livelihoods unless more l<strong>and</strong> is made available. This isalready a problem in cocoa farming regions of the South. A study conducted in 1963 began suggesting that inmany cases fragmentation <strong>and</strong> parcelization had occurred to the extent that remaining linear strips forfarming were not economically viable (Hunter 1963). “With the depletion of virgin forest l<strong>and</strong> in Ghana [as aresult of the rapid expansion of cocoa cultivation] it [became] difficult for farmers to acquire more l<strong>and</strong> fortheir children.” (Benneh 1970: 206). This process is threatening to repeat itself in the Western Region ascocoa farming exp<strong>and</strong>s, <strong>and</strong> in the North.SOCIALLY VULNERABLE GROUPSEven in a well functioning customary system, access to l<strong>and</strong> through inheritance or other means is based onpower <strong>and</strong> social connections, which can limit access for certain groups or individuals based on their positionin society. Acquiring a plot of l<strong>and</strong> requires an abundance of social, political, <strong>and</strong> (most limiting) financialcapital, assets not readily available to all members of society. In Ghana, “productive l<strong>and</strong>s for growingcommercial crops are denied to the less powerful in society such as widows, women, <strong>and</strong> migrants when theydo not possess the backing of powerful men.” (Yaro & Zackaria 1996, 6).Women in particular have a difficult time accessing l<strong>and</strong>. Ghanaian culture is arranged to allow for theeconomic productivity of men, while women are expected to be domestically productive. “Women are notsupposed to be as economically productive as men are, <strong>and</strong> even if they are, men control their resources…This explains why Ghanaian society seems to invest more inheritance rights [to l<strong>and</strong>] on men than women”(Gedzi, 2009: 2). Women are therefore considered to be a part of their husb<strong>and</strong>’s economic unit – a wife’sclaim to her husb<strong>and</strong>’s property is limited or nonexistent (Runger 2006). In the absence of a husb<strong>and</strong>, awoman is left to rely on her father, her brother, or her son (if she is a widow).Farmers that are not attached to a l<strong>and</strong> owning family (farmers who cannot trace their lineage back to a plotof l<strong>and</strong>) also experience difficulty obtaining l<strong>and</strong>. Typically, they are forced to work as sharecroppers, ormarry into a family with a lineage that provides access to l<strong>and</strong>.Often, the primary asset of socially marginalized groups is their relatively cheap <strong>and</strong> readily available labor,which is somewhat useless without l<strong>and</strong> on which to turn that labor into a living. “In Ghana, whereas sharecontracts were a means by which l<strong>and</strong>-poor but labor-rich households could gain access to a plot, thoseseeking sharecrop l<strong>and</strong> must now put forward a significant fee in order to gain access.” (Amanor 2001). Lowcostlabor is not enough on its own to build a bridge out of poverty; it dem<strong>and</strong>s access to l<strong>and</strong> in order to betransformed into useful capital. If trends in l<strong>and</strong> tenure persist, <strong>and</strong> access to l<strong>and</strong> is denied to the sociallymarginalized<strong>and</strong> poverty-stricken members of society, the poverty cycle in Ghana will persist (Akoto et al.2006).50 GHANA CLIMATE CHANGE VULNERABILITY AND ADAPTATION ASSESSMENT

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