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Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

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SUBJUNCTIVES IN BULGARIAN AND MODERN GREEK 109<strong>the</strong> biblical texts (ninth and tenth centuries). Interestingly, <strong>the</strong> da +V complex,which came to replace <strong>the</strong> Old Blg infinitive, was originally introduced inclauses that required distinct subjects (6a) or in ECM clauses (6b). Typically,<strong>the</strong>se cases would correspond to an accusativus cum infinitivo construction in<strong>the</strong> Greek text, as shown under <strong>the</strong> respective glosses:(6) a. aste xoston da tu prebondetuif want-1SG da he survive-3SG(Cod. Zogr., Io. 21.22)eav auTov 6£\u p.eveivb. ne xostemu seinu da crsuetu nadu naininot want-1 PL him da rule-3SG above us(Cod. Zogr., Lk. 19.14)oil 8€\on£v TOUTOV |3aot\€uoai ecb' ffna(It is important to note that even alter t/a-clauses have gained a much widerdistribution and entirely replaced <strong>the</strong> infinitive in all o<strong>the</strong>r contexts, verbstypically expressing deontic modality or some sort <strong>of</strong> an aspectual meaningcontinued to function as <strong>the</strong> only predicate type still compatible with an infinitive(cf. (7)):(7) Ne mozesi bo tuj sutrupjati skrbii pitstinskixu.not can-2SG moreover you-NOM endure-INF sorrows <strong>of</strong>-a-hermit(Cod. Supr., 169.27-28)With respect to subject reference, <strong>the</strong> contrast between (6a) and (7) is reminiscent<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> rivalry between <strong>the</strong> subjunctive and <strong>the</strong> infinitive in Romance (cf.(8a) and (8b) from Spanish). Thus, (6a) seems to instantiate <strong>the</strong> wellknown obviationeffect typical for Romance subjunctives but generally lacking in <strong>the</strong><strong>Balkan</strong> languages: "(8) a. Juani desea ( que pro. /Maria vaya con el.\John wish-3SG that pro/Maria go-3SG.SUBJ with him'John wants Mary to go with him.'b. Juan desea [PRO //• a la playa.\John wish-3SG [PRO go-INF to <strong>the</strong> beach.'John wants to go to <strong>the</strong> beach.'I will not be concerned with <strong>the</strong> lack <strong>of</strong> obviation in Modern Blg; I willsimply note that <strong>the</strong> distinction between Type I and Type II Ss achieves aconcrete result in this direction. Farkas (1992b) argues that in Romance ando<strong>the</strong>r languages, obviative complements are a subset <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> subjunctivecomplements and appear precisely in those contexts where <strong>the</strong> infinitive may alternatewith <strong>the</strong> subjunctive. Thus, <strong>the</strong> obviation effect is closely related to <strong>the</strong>role played by <strong>the</strong> infinitive. With <strong>the</strong> elimination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Old Blg infinitive, <strong>the</strong>domain <strong>of</strong> control in da-complements corresponding to Type II Ss became

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