Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

90 ANNA ROUSSOULet us now go back to the control example in (26): according to what wehave said so far, the matrix clause has an AgrS position, while the embeddedclause does not. Moreover, the overt subject that we see in (26) does not realizethe subject position, that is, Spec, AgrSP, but is instead a topic. The structureof (26) is schematically represented in (28):(28) [fopicP ° Janis UgrSP A g rS D/(t> [\pprospaeise [ VP V e i [ CP C [jp no.dulepsi 6 2\\\\\IP is used as a cover term for the rest of the functional projections in the clause;C indicates the higher C position, but not Cpj n , which according to our discussionis missing, along with AgrS. In (28) the AgrS, which relates to the DP oJanis under topicalizalion, attracts both 01 and 62. Both verbs are inflected forthird person singular, deriving an agreement effect between the two clauses. Ifthe 4> features on the verb are an instance of resumption, then the problem ofagreement in the embedded clause is resolved: exactly as in (27) the agreementthat we see on both verbs does not correspond to the realization (spell out) of anAgrS position. So our analysis concerning the absence of an embedded AgrSstill holds. What we have in (28) instead is an instance of "doubling": theagreement features on the embedded predicate double those of the matrix one.This is similar to the doubling effect found when a subject clitic pronoun is usedin the various Northern Italian dialects, as the following Fiorentino exampleshows (see also Brandi and Cordin 1989):(29) '-'-(La) vieneshe come-3SG'She comes.'Manzini and Savoia (1998) argue that the subject clitic realizes an inflectionalposition, which they call ICL- We take ICL to correspond to AgrS. The examplein (29) shows agreement between the subject clitic and the verb. In this case it isthe agreement features of V that double those of the clitic. Manzini and Savoiaargue that agreement in this case involves matching two sets of features: thoseof the clitic and those of V. Technically, the derivation is as follows: the thematicfeature on its way to AgrS moves to I, attracted by some feature in I; fromthere it picks up the