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Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

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SUBJUNCTIVES IN BULGARIAN AND MODERN GREEK 115Although it is generally true that subjunctive tense is defective and usuallyanaphoric, I will show that Type I and Type II Ss differ with respect to <strong>the</strong>irtense specification. More precisely, I will argue that in terms <strong>of</strong> tense features,<strong>the</strong> former has a richer semantic content than <strong>the</strong> latter. In this section, a moredetailed examination <strong>of</strong> this important distinction is provided.Turning now to <strong>the</strong> data, <strong>the</strong> following generalization obtains: Type I Ssmay not appear in <strong>the</strong> whole range <strong>of</strong> indicative tenses, but <strong>the</strong>y never<strong>the</strong>lessexhibit fewer tense restrictions than Type II Ss. This seems true for both MGrk(as originally observed by latridou 1993) and Blg (as observed by Maldjieva1989).Since Type I Ss appear as complements to epistemic and volitional predicates,<strong>the</strong>y have a "possible future" interpretation (Bresnan 1972), that is, <strong>the</strong>ydescribe something hypo<strong>the</strong>tical or unrealized. Picallo (1984) notes that <strong>the</strong>value <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> tense operator in subjunctive clauses cannot be specified within agiven set <strong>of</strong> points in time, leaving undetermined whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> event in V has occurredor will occur.Bulgarian and Modern Greek subjunctives are incompatible with <strong>the</strong> morphologicalpast (aorist) tense and <strong>the</strong> future tense, implicating that <strong>the</strong> [±past]features in embedded tense do not have an independent status. Besides, <strong>the</strong> aoristin Big conveys a modalized meaning, called "event-witnessing" (Kucarov 1994),which is incompatible with a hypo<strong>the</strong>tical/irrealis interpretation and also with<strong>the</strong> fact that subjunctives cannot be assigned a truth value as far as <strong>the</strong> speaker isconcerned (Farkas 1992a). With respect to o<strong>the</strong>r tense restrictions, however,Type I and Type II Ss behave differently. With <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> future and<strong>the</strong> aorist, Type I Ss permit all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> indicative tenses: present (<strong>the</strong> unmarkedcase), imperfect, present perfect and past perfect. Consider first present tense subjunctives((24a) and (24b)) from Big and <strong>the</strong>ir MGrk parallels ((24a') and (24b')):(24) a. Nadjavam se da dojdes. a'. Elpiio nu erQls.hope-ISC da come-2SG hope-ISG na come-2SGb. Nadjavax se da dojdes b'. llpiza na erdis.hope-past-ISO da come-2SG hope-past-1SG na come-2SGWith present tense matrix verbs (as in (24a) and (24a')), <strong>the</strong> "unrealized" futurereading <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> present tense subjunctive is readily available, since <strong>the</strong> time<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evaluation coincides with <strong>the</strong> speech time. With past tense verbs (as in(24b/b')), <strong>the</strong> present tense subjunctive has a "future-relative-to-past" value,since <strong>the</strong> time <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evaluation coincides with <strong>the</strong> matrix clause event time.This is confirmed by <strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> having different temporal adverbs in <strong>the</strong>higher and lower clauses, as in (25):(25) Vcera si mislex [Ivan utre da me zavede na kino.]yesterday Ihink-IMPF. 1SG Ivan tomorrow da me take-3SG to cinemaT was thinking yesterday that Ivan could take me to <strong>the</strong> cinematomorrow.'We see in (25) that <strong>the</strong> future-oriented adverb utre 'tomorrow' has narrowscope and does not conflict with <strong>the</strong> higher past tense, nor with <strong>the</strong> past-oriented

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