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Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

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46 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN2.1. Control and PROWithin GB <strong>the</strong>ory, control effects are currently analyzed as being triggered by aparticular type <strong>of</strong> empty category, <strong>the</strong> "pronominal anaphor", notated PRO (cf.Chomsky 1981). Because <strong>of</strong> its intrinsic features, this element (instantiated byinfinitival subjects) must necessarily enter into a control relation:' it needs aclose antecedent, which fixes its reference, and <strong>the</strong> antecedent is an element <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> main clause, ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> subject or <strong>the</strong> object, depending on <strong>the</strong> lexical properties<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main verb. The relationship that an infinitival subject is bound to entertainwith an element in <strong>the</strong> main clause is called "control", hence <strong>the</strong> term"controlled element" for PRO itself.This analysis does not easily extend to <strong>Balkan</strong> languages. It is quite clearthat by virtue <strong>of</strong> its being identified by <strong>the</strong> Agr features on <strong>the</strong> verb, <strong>the</strong> nullsubject <strong>of</strong> <strong>Balkan</strong> subjunctives is ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> type pro, that is, comparable to <strong>the</strong>subjects <strong>of</strong> tensed clauses (Philippaki-Warburton 1987).Ano<strong>the</strong>r argument against <strong>the</strong> idea that <strong>the</strong> null subject <strong>of</strong> subjunctiveclauses is PRO relates to <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>Balkan</strong> subjunctive clauses are compatiblewith both null and lexical subjects. When it is null, <strong>the</strong> subject may be coreferentialwith an element in <strong>the</strong> main clause (see (5a)) or it may refer freely (5b):(5) a. Maria vrea sa piece incline.Mary wants sa leave-3SG.SUBJ tomorrow'Mary wants to leave tomorrow.'b. Eu vreciu sa piece nidine.I want sa leave-3SG/PL.SUBJ tomorrowT want that [he/she/<strong>the</strong>y] leave tomorrow.'These properties are expected if <strong>the</strong> null subject is pro, but not if it is PRO: in<strong>the</strong> "PRO <strong>the</strong>orem", PRO can only occupy a position that is not accessible tolexical subjects. But despite <strong>the</strong> clarity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data (which is unanimouslyacknowledged), most GB <strong>the</strong>orists propose analyses that assimilate <strong>the</strong>controlled subject <strong>of</strong> <strong>Balkan</strong> subjunctives to PRO (Dobrovie-Sorin 1987 forRomanian; latridou 1993, Terzi 1991, and Tsoulas 1993 for Greek; Krapova(this volume) for Bulgarian).2.2. Control as anaphoric bindingI will follow my earlier argument (Dobrovie-Sorin 1994.chap. 4) that no empiricalevidence exists in favor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis that <strong>the</strong> null subject-<strong>of</strong> <strong>Balkan</strong>subjunctives has <strong>the</strong> status <strong>of</strong> PRO. These languages may instead be used as evidencein favor <strong>of</strong> those proposals that try to eliminate PRO from <strong>the</strong> grammar,by reducing control to anaphoric binding (Koster 1978, 1984, 1987; Manzini1983; Borer 1989).6 Despite a number <strong>of</strong> diverging ideas, <strong>the</strong>se proposals all attemptto reduce control <strong>the</strong>ory to binding <strong>the</strong>ory by assuming that PRO has <strong>the</strong>status <strong>of</strong> an anaphor, 7 and as such is subject to principle A <strong>of</strong> binding <strong>the</strong>ory:

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