DIRECT OBJECT CLITIC DOUBLING 157(i) IAI ton ikhe Sayosi to Costa.SNAKE him-Cl had bitten <strong>the</strong> Costas'It was a snake that had bitten Costas.'(Agouraki 1993. 170)The fact that <strong>the</strong> bare singular subject in (i) cannot be interpreted as topic suggeststhat unlike sentences, where subjects are instantiated by definite- or a-expressions,sentences containing what appears to be bare singular subjects are fundamentallydiscourse dependent. In Kallulli (1999), I argue that bare singulars as in (i) are notsubjects but predicate nominals in specifier positions <strong>of</strong> root CPs.36. Throughout this paper <strong>the</strong> term existential is used in opposition to presuppositional.That is, existential bare plurals should be understood as non-generic bareplurals only.37. This section builds on earlier work (cf. Kallulli 1997b, 1998). For reasons <strong>of</strong>space, I do not discuss data from Mainland Scandinavian (MS) here. However, whateveris said in this paper about <strong>the</strong> meaning <strong>of</strong> bare singulars in German and <strong>Balkan</strong> languagesholds for MS as well. For details, see Kallulli (1997b, 1998).38. Note that <strong>the</strong> referential/attributive dichotomy (cf. Donellan 1966) divides <strong>the</strong>three readings in (41) in a different manner. The reading in (41a) is referential, while <strong>the</strong>(41b) and (41c) readings are attributive. This is because only in (41a) has Annestablished a direct relationship with some particular haecceitas. This is not <strong>the</strong> Case in(41b): any Dior dress, not just a particular one, is sufficient for Ann under <strong>the</strong> reading in(41b). Yet <strong>the</strong> indefinite noun phrase in (41b) receives a specific interpretation, becauseAnn is not interested in any dress; she wants a specific type <strong>of</strong> dress, namely, a Dior one,but obviously she does not mind which particular sample (e.g., with respect to color, cut,production year, etc.) she gets. Thus, specific noun phrases may be intended as ei<strong>the</strong>rreferential or attributive (cf. also loup 1977). In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> distinction referentialversus attributive makes sense for specific noun phrases only.39. Many thanks to Marcel den Dikken (private communication) for pointing out<strong>the</strong>se data to me.40. As van Geenhoven (1996) shows, <strong>the</strong> arguments that have been brought againstCarlson's lexicalized existential quantifier vanish if this quantifier is granted dynamicinstead <strong>of</strong> static force.41. This is independently proposed by E. Kiss (to appear). However, Kiss relies onEnc/s (1991) account <strong>of</strong> specificity, which is ra<strong>the</strong>r problematic. Space considerationsprevent me from dealing with this point in detail, though some problems with it will beidentified in section 4.3.4.42. M. Krifka (private communication) points out to me that similarly, numberwords can have wide scope, as in his example 'Four thousand ships passed through <strong>the</strong>lock', which means 'There were four thousand ship-passings'.43. It is well known that unlike simple present tense in English, simple present inGerman can have both an episodic and a generic meaning. That is, <strong>the</strong> German sentencein (53) can also mean 'Students make noise in <strong>the</strong> street'. However, 1 am interested onlyin <strong>the</strong> existential interpretation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> bare plural, hence <strong>the</strong> given English translation.44. Note also that Norwegian is not a pro-drop language.45. Since bare plurals are in <strong>Balkan</strong> languages incompatible with generic readings,<strong>the</strong> question <strong>of</strong> doubling <strong>the</strong>m does not even arise.46. J. Emonds (private communication) points out to me that definite expressions insome locative phrases (e.g., / am going to <strong>the</strong> airport/to <strong>the</strong> doctor's/to <strong>the</strong> shore/to <strong>the</strong>hospital) have a predicative reading as well. Note that <strong>the</strong>se are not generic: The onlytime in m\ life I went to Texas I took <strong>the</strong> plane.
158 DALINA KALLULLI47. In <strong>the</strong> Principles and Parameters framework, <strong>the</strong> subjects <strong>of</strong> examples like Beingwise/To be wise is crazy or Being crazy is crazy (examples from Chierchia 1985. 418) areclausal syntactically and prepositional semantically (Koster and May 1982). Forexamples like Wisdom deserves reward, 1 agree with Chierchia (1985) in that one cannotmake a very compelling point about <strong>the</strong> subject <strong>of</strong> this sentence being a propertylikecreature, because "<strong>the</strong> realm <strong>of</strong> nominalizations such as [wisdom] ... [is] still largelyunknown, which relegates our considerations to <strong>the</strong> realm <strong>of</strong> intuitions" (Chierchia1985.418). Such examples do not <strong>the</strong>refore necessarily constitute counterexamples to myclaim that subjects invariably denote individuals.48. Alternatively, it might be that both <strong>the</strong> indefinite and <strong>the</strong> definite article are notexclusively generated under D but may also be generated NP-internally. It is beyond <strong>the</strong>scope <strong>of</strong> this study to decide between <strong>the</strong>se alternatives.ReferencesAbney, S. 1987. "The English Noun Phrase in its Sentential Aspect." Ph.D. diss., MIT.Agouraki, Y. 1993. "Spec-Head Licensing: The Scope <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Theory." Ph.D. diss., UCL.Anagnostopoulou, E. 1994. "On The Representation <strong>of</strong> Clitic Doubling in ModernGreek." EUROTYP Working Papers. Theme Group 8.5.1-66.Borer, H. 1984. Parametric <strong>Syntax</strong>: Case Studies in Semitic and Romance <strong>Languages</strong>.Dordrecht: Foris.Brody, M. 1990. "Some Remarks on <strong>the</strong> Focus Field in Hungarian." UCL WorkingPapers in Linguistics 2.201-25.Carlson, G. 1977. "Reference to Kinds in English." Ph.D. diss., University <strong>of</strong>Massachusetts, Amherst.Chastain, C. 1975. Reference and Context: Language, Mind, and Knowledge (MinnesotaStudies in <strong>the</strong> Philosophy <strong>of</strong> Science 7). University <strong>of</strong> Minnesota Press.Chierchia, G. 1985. "Formal Semantics and <strong>the</strong> Grammar <strong>of</strong> Predication." LinguisticInquiry 16.417-43Chomsky, N. 1976. "Conditions on Rules <strong>of</strong> Grammar." Linguistic Analysis 2.4.303-51.Chomsky, N. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.Cinque, G. 1993. "A Null Theory <strong>of</strong> Phrase and Compound Stress." Linguistic Inquiry24.239-98.de Hoop, H. 1992. Case Configuration and Noun Phrase Interpretation. GroningenDissertations in Linguistics.Diesing, M. 1992. Indefinites. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.Dobrovie-Sorin, C. 1990. "Clitic Doubling, Wh-Movement, and Quantification inRomanian." Linguistic Inquiry 21.351-98.Donellan, K. 1966. "Reference and Definite Descriptions." Philosophical Review75.281-304.Emonds, J. to appear. "How Clitics License Null Phrases: A Theory <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Lexical Interface."In H. van Riemsdijk , ed., EUROTYP Working Papers. University <strong>of</strong> Tilburg.Enc., M. 1991. "The Semantics <strong>of</strong> Specificity." Linguistic Inquiry 22.1-25.Haiden, M. 1996. "The Aspect <strong>of</strong> Short Scrambling." Wiener Linguistische Gazette57.121-45.Heim, I. 1982. "The Semantics <strong>of</strong> Definite and Indefinite Noun Phrases." Ph.D. diss.,University <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, Amherst.Hellan, L. 1986. "The Headedness <strong>of</strong> NPs in Norwegian." In P. Muysken and H. vanRiemsdijk, eds., Features and Projections. Dordrecht: Foris.
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Contents1 Introduction 3Maria Luisa
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4 MARIA LU1SA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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6 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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8 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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10 MARIA LUIS A RIVERO AND ANGELA R
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14 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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16 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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18 BRIAN D. JOSEPHsubjects are perm
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20 BRIAN D. JOSEPH(1) Pan-Balkan Cl
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22 BRIAN D. JOSEPHd. Alb perpiqem t
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24 BRIAN D. JOSEPHIf similarities i
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26 BRIAN D. JOSEPHdepends on what o
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28 BRIAN D. JOSEPHe. introducer of
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30 BRIAN D. JOSEPHi." Mi ta xerja s
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32 BRIAN D. JOSEPHspecial propertie
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34 BRIAN D. JOSEPHc. *John did defi
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36BRIAN D. JOSEPH(14)PositiveNegati
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38 BRIAN D. JOSEPHthe German term n
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40 BRIAN D. JOSEPH28. I find Zwicky
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42 BRIAN D. JOSEPHJoseph, B. D. 199
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3Head-to-Head Mergein Balkan Subjun
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46 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN2.1. Contro
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48 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINanaphoric s
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50 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. E greu s
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52 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINconfigurati
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54 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(19) a. Jua
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56 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. Doresc c
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58 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(27)In orde
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60 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. *Bonibel
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62 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINOne may won
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64CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(d)Neg has a
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66 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(43) a. Ion
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68 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(47) A feat
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70 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINand NP rais
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72 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINReferencesA
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4Control and Raisingin and out of S
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76 ANNA ROUSSOUb. Voglio an da re.
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78 ANNA ROUSSOUlatridou (1993) cons
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80 ANNA ROUSSOUignore the propertie
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84 ANNA ROUSSOU(1992b), namely the
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86 ANNA ROUSSOUpurposes it suffices
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90 ANNA ROUSSOULet us now go back t
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92 ANNA ROUSSOU(33) Ta pedja fenond
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96 ANNA ROUSSOU(41) O Janis deli (i
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98 ANNA ROUSSOURoberts (1996) argue
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100 ANNAROUSSOU7. Sportiche (1997)
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102ANNAROUSSOUChomsky, N. 1986. Bar
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104 ANNAROUSSOURoberts, I. 1996. "T
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208 MARIA LUISA RIVEROthat the orde
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212 MARIA LUIS A RIVEROThe restrict
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226 NAME INDEXFarkas, D., 8,54,57,7
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230 SUBJECT INDEXbare output condit
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232 SUBJECT INDEXindividual-denotin
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234 SUBJECT INDEXsubjuntive operato