Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

CONTROL AND RAISING 91feature of the matrix predicate first moves to I and from there to AgrS, takingalong the 4> features of matrix I as free riders:(31) [ AgrSp 62ei AgrS[ | peiI[ V pV e i[ C pC[ 1 pe2I[VPVe 2 ]]]]J]This derivation then ensures that the 4> features of the embedded predicate andthose of the matrix predicate match. In Manzini and Roussous's (1998) termsthe agreement pattern that we get between the matrix and the embedded predicateis the morphological reflex of Attract that relates AgrS and the two predicates,V1 and V2 What is crucial is that we maintain the idea of lacking a subject position,AgrS, in the embedded clause. 1 " In any case the presence of agreement onthe predicate does not indicate the realization of AgrS. In the matrix clause wehave agreement on V as well as a "silent" AgrS position. Notice that it is possibleto have an unrealized subject in both clauses; however, the important pointis that the matrix clause has an AgrS (albeit unrealized), while the embeddedclause simply lacks this position. We thus derive the dissociation of agreementfeatures from the realization of AgrS. In this approach we analyze control insubjunctive and infinitival contexts alike. This allows us to capture the commonsemantic and syntactic properties of control in these two cases. The differences,that is, presence versus absence of agreement features, are attributed to the differentmorphological properties of the relevant languages.It is worth pointing out that subjunctive complements in control contextsare not like inflected infinitivals of the type found in European Portuguese. Ashas been discussed in the literature, inflected infinitivals may occur as complementsto factive and epistemic predicates but not to volitionals or control predicates(Raposo 1987.87-88):(32) a. En penso/afinno ter terem os deputados trabalhado pouco.I think/claim to have-AGR the deputies worked littleI think/claim the deputies have worked little.'b. *Eu desejava terem os deputados trabalhado mats.I wished to have-AGR the deputies worked more.'I wish the deputies had worked more.'As (32) shows, inflected infinitivals do not occur in the typical contexts of theBalkan subjunctive. The restriction on the distribution of inflected infinitivals aswell as the possibility of having an overt subject shows that these are not reducedCPs: they have an AgrS and possibly a Cpj n position. In fact, Raposo(1987) argues that infinitival complements to epistemic or factive predicates, asin (32a), have a tense operator in C, while infinitival complements to volitionalpredicates lack this T operator, hence the impossibility of an inflected infinitive,as (32b) shows. We will not get into any further discussion of inflected infinitivals,since the whole issue is quite complex and beyond the scope of the presentpaper. The important point is that subjunctive complements in control and raisingcontexts cannot be treated simply as inflected infinitives.Before we leave this section, let us consider the following Greek examplewith raising: