ADJECTIVAL DETERMINERS IN ALBANIAN AND GREEK 193spreading contexts). Note that both Abney (1987), who treats prenominal adjectivesas heads, and Cinque (1994), who argues that prenominal adjectives occupyspecifier positions, use <strong>the</strong> fact that prenominal adjectives in English and Italian,respectively, do not take complements as arguments in favor <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir respectiveproposals. Abney argues that prenominal adjectives do not take complementsbecause <strong>the</strong>ir complement is ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> NP or <strong>the</strong> extended projection <strong>of</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>rAP. Cinque argues that prenominal adjectives do not take complements due to a"well-known restriction on maximal projections overtly found on a left branch,[which] is <strong>the</strong>ir inability to take complements on <strong>the</strong>ir right", as shown in (14):(14) I I suoifedeli (*alla causa) sostenitorihis faithful to <strong>the</strong> cause supporters(Cinque 1994.3)Thus, independently <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structure one assumes for prenominal attributiveadjectives, what needs to be explained is why in Greek, among o<strong>the</strong>r languages,examples like that in (12) are grammatical, contrasting with <strong>the</strong> ungrammaticality<strong>of</strong> similar examples in English or Italian (cf. (14)).NotesThe main ideas discussed in this paper were first presented at <strong>the</strong> GLOW 1996Workshop on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Syntax</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Balkan</strong> languages, University <strong>of</strong> A<strong>the</strong>ns. 1 am indebtedto <strong>the</strong> audience for <strong>the</strong>ir input. I am also grateful to M. Espanol-Echevarria and B. D.Joseph for comments, and to R. Kayne, A. Ralli, D. Sportiche, and D. Kallulli fordiscussion. The usual disclaimers apply.1. The Albanian data in this paper come from Newmark, Hubbard, and Prifti(1982), a grammar <strong>of</strong> Standard Albanian, and <strong>the</strong> generous help <strong>of</strong> D. Kallulli, towhom I am deeply indebted.2. Following Chomsky (1995), in (3b), I assume that djalin enters <strong>the</strong> syntaxfully inflected and moves to D to check its categorial N feature against that <strong>of</strong> D. Thelast step in <strong>the</strong> derivation <strong>of</strong> (3b) is head movement <strong>of</strong> djalin to D.3. Not all adjectives must bear an adjectival determiner in Albanian. Two classes<strong>of</strong> adjectives are found in <strong>the</strong> language: those that must always be preceded by an adjectivaldeterminer (called "articulated adjectives" in traditional grammars), and thosethat are never preceded by an adjectival determiner (called "unarticulated adjectives"in traditional grammars). The two classes <strong>of</strong> adjectives are clearly distinguished, differentadjectives belonging to different classes. Descriptively, <strong>the</strong> classification criterionappears to be a morphological one. Following <strong>the</strong> description in Newmark etal. (1982.184), <strong>the</strong> following adjectives are never preceded by <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner:adjectives derived by an agentive suffix like -ar, -tar, -ist, - ik, -iv, -or, -tor,or -es, for instance, amtar '<strong>of</strong>ficial', vendimtar 'decisive', komunist 'communist',alkoolik 'alcoholic', objektiv 'objective', dimeror 'wintry', punetor 'working',orpires 'drinking'; compound adjectives (with some rare exceptions like ishumendrituri Naim '<strong>the</strong> most-illustrious Nairn'), for instance, ditegjate 'longlived',orekonomiko-shoqeror 'socioeconomic'; and adjectives derived from names <strong>of</strong>places, for instance, tiranas '<strong>of</strong>, from Tirana'. In this essay, 1 concentrate solely on
194 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUadjectives bearing obligatorily an adjectival determiner and, more precisely, on <strong>the</strong>DP-internal syntax <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se adjectives.4. The alternation between <strong>the</strong> presence or not <strong>of</strong> Case and definiteness markingon <strong>the</strong> adjective is reminiscent <strong>of</strong> participle object agreement in French A 1 - movedparticiples, which show number and gender agreement by means <strong>of</strong> movementthrough AgrP (Kayne 1989).5. That is, for a certain combination <strong>of</strong> gender, number, and Case, when <strong>the</strong> adjectivaldeterminer immediately follows a definite noun, it has a form different fromthat in all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r positions in which it may appear. It should be noted here that<strong>the</strong>re are combinations <strong>of</strong> Case, number, and gender for which <strong>the</strong> adjectival determinerdoes not change across all <strong>the</strong> positions in which it may occur (for more details,cf. section 6). Also, as we will see in more detail in section 6, in <strong>the</strong> singulargenitive, dative, and ablative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> feminine, <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determinerimmediately following a definite noun is no different from its form in all <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rpositions in which it may appear. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, for <strong>the</strong> singular genitive, dative and ablative<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> feminine, <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner that precedes an adjectivein <strong>the</strong> definite form (that is an adjective bearing a definite Case ending) is <strong>the</strong> same as<strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner that immediately follows a definite noun(Newmark, Hubbard, and Prifti 1982.181).6. Genitive is <strong>the</strong> conventional label for <strong>the</strong> forms, so called because <strong>the</strong>y correspondto and derive from earlier Greek genitives; some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir functions, however,are prototypically dative, as in (i):(i) edosa to vivlio lou Kostagave-lSG <strong>the</strong> book <strong>the</strong>-GEN Kostas-GEN'I gave <strong>the</strong> book to Kostas.'7. The string to vivlio kalo (lit. '<strong>the</strong> book good') is ungrammatical as a nounphrase but acceptable as a sentence, with an understood copula, meaning '<strong>the</strong> book isgood', as B. D. Joseph reminds me.8. But see <strong>the</strong> following examples:(i) tipota (to) exeretikonothing <strong>the</strong> special'nothing special'(ii) kali (to) exeretikosomething <strong>the</strong> special'something special'9. I will take no stand with respect to <strong>the</strong> category <strong>of</strong> FP or its internal structure.I propose <strong>the</strong> structure in (22a) as <strong>the</strong> surface structure. I assume that within FP, <strong>the</strong>relative ordering <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjective and <strong>the</strong> noun is noun-adjective, in accordance with<strong>the</strong> intuition that <strong>the</strong> adjective, in <strong>the</strong> general case, is predicated <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> noun; myproposal, however, does not crucially depend on this assumption. The treatment <strong>of</strong>adjectival determiners as relativizing heads is not necessarily dependent on <strong>the</strong> particularstructural configuration in which attributive adjectives are taken to be basegenerated with respect to <strong>the</strong> noun <strong>the</strong>y modify. For instance, <strong>the</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> adjectivaldeterminers put forward in this essay is not, a priori, incompatible with an analysis<strong>of</strong> attributive adjectives as a series <strong>of</strong> heads from left to right within <strong>the</strong> main DPstructure, <strong>the</strong> rightmost taking <strong>the</strong> noun as complement, as in Abney (1987):(i) [DP[APl[AP2[APn[NPNei<strong>the</strong>r is it incompatible with an analysis <strong>of</strong> attributive adjectives as occupying <strong>the</strong>specifier position <strong>of</strong> functional heads <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main DP structure, along <strong>the</strong> lines setforth in Cinque (1994):
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Comparative Syntax of Balkan Langua
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Comparative Syntax ofBalkan Languag
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Contents1 Introduction 3Maria Luisa
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4 MARIA LU1SA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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6 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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8 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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10 MARIA LUIS A RIVERO AND ANGELA R
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12 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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14 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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16 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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18 BRIAN D. JOSEPHsubjects are perm
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20 BRIAN D. JOSEPH(1) Pan-Balkan Cl
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22 BRIAN D. JOSEPHd. Alb perpiqem t
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24 BRIAN D. JOSEPHIf similarities i
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26 BRIAN D. JOSEPHdepends on what o
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28 BRIAN D. JOSEPHe. introducer of
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30 BRIAN D. JOSEPHi." Mi ta xerja s
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32 BRIAN D. JOSEPHspecial propertie
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34 BRIAN D. JOSEPHc. *John did defi
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36BRIAN D. JOSEPH(14)PositiveNegati
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38 BRIAN D. JOSEPHthe German term n
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40 BRIAN D. JOSEPH28. I find Zwicky
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42 BRIAN D. JOSEPHJoseph, B. D. 199
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3Head-to-Head Mergein Balkan Subjun
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46 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN2.1. Contro
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48 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINanaphoric s
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50 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. E greu s
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52 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINconfigurati
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54 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(19) a. Jua
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56 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. Doresc c
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58 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(27)In orde
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60 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. *Bonibel
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62 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINOne may won
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64CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(d)Neg has a
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66 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(43) a. Ion
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68 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(47) A feat
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70 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINand NP rais
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72 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINReferencesA
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4Control and Raisingin and out of S
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76 ANNA ROUSSOUb. Voglio an da re.
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78 ANNA ROUSSOUlatridou (1993) cons
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80 ANNA ROUSSOUignore the propertie
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82 ANNA ROUSSOU2.2. Mood and comple
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84 ANNA ROUSSOU(1992b), namely the
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86 ANNA ROUSSOUpurposes it suffices
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88 ANNA ROUSSOUextend to raising pr
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90 ANNA ROUSSOULet us now go back t
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92 ANNA ROUSSOU(33) Ta pedja fenond
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94 ANNA ROUSSOU(37) a. I tried (*fo
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96 ANNA ROUSSOU(41) O Janis deli (i
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98 ANNA ROUSSOURoberts (1996) argue
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100 ANNAROUSSOU7. Sportiche (1997)
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102ANNAROUSSOUChomsky, N. 1986. Bar
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104 ANNAROUSSOURoberts, I. 1996. "T
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106 ILIYANA KRAPOVAterms of binding
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108 ILIYANA KRAPOVAsubset (as in (4
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110 ILIYANA KRAPOVAstrictly differe
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112 ILIYANA KRAPOVA2.3. PRO subject
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114 ILIYANA KRAPOVAThe fact that co
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116 ILIYANA KRAPOVAadverb vcera 'ye
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118 ILIYANA KRAPOVAillustrated in (
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120 ILIYANA KRAPOVA(34) a. Iskain d
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122 ILIYANA KRAPOVAmovement of na+V
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124 ILIYANA KRAPOVA13. It has been
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126 ILIYANA KRAPOVARivero, M. L. 19
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128 DALINA KALLULLIprcsuppositional
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130 DALINA KALLULLImoment, let us j
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132 DDALINAKALLULLIb. den pijeno me
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134 DALINA KALLULLId. What did Ana
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136 DALINA KALLULLIb. O Janis (*ta)
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138 DALINA KALLULLIHowever, the fac
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140DALINA KALLULLIb. Anna hat das B
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- Page 237 and 238: 230 SUBJECT INDEXbare output condit
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234 SUBJECT INDEXsubjuntive operato