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Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

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70 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINand NP raising assumed here, some alternative explanation must be found tor <strong>the</strong> peculiaritiesin <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> de.12. For reasons that I will not try to understand, <strong>Balkan</strong> languages differ with respectto <strong>the</strong> productivity <strong>of</strong> raising to subject: Romanian accepts this constructionwith verbs such as epistemic a putea 'may', a pared 'to seem', and a se nimeri 'tohappen'. In Bulgarian and Greek, however, speakers tend to accept as "natural" only<strong>the</strong> impersonal use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se verbs. Greek shows interesting differences in meaningbetween <strong>the</strong> impersonal and <strong>the</strong> personal constructions, for those verbs that accept<strong>the</strong> two environments (Philippaki-Warburton 1987).13. Manzini and Roussou assume 8 roles to be Asp features. This is reminiscent<strong>of</strong> Borer (1994), although <strong>the</strong> implementation is different: <strong>the</strong>re are no functionalAsp projections (<strong>the</strong>ir role is played by recursive V projections), and DPs are not firstmerged in <strong>the</strong> Spec positions <strong>of</strong> AspP but directly merged in <strong>the</strong>ir overt position. Tokeep <strong>the</strong> discussion as simple as possible, I will talk about 6 features.14. By assumption, once a 6 feature is attracted (see <strong>the</strong> 8 feature <strong>of</strong> started in<strong>the</strong> case at hand), its trace does not block <strong>the</strong> attraction <strong>of</strong> ano<strong>the</strong>r 8 feature (that <strong>of</strong>to work) by <strong>the</strong> same attractor.15. This generalization should probably be relaxed: a number <strong>of</strong> interesting exceptionsdo exist (see Ruwet 1984 and section 6.3).16. Rivero (1989) solves this problem by stipulating that <strong>Balkan</strong> subjunctiveshave an ambiguous status depending on <strong>the</strong> context in which <strong>the</strong>y appear: in raisingconfigurations, <strong>the</strong>y cannot count as <strong>the</strong> GC <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir subject, whereas in obviationcontexts <strong>the</strong>y must count as such. This ambiguous status <strong>of</strong> subjunctives clauses isnot supported by independent evidence.17. Chomsky (1981) uses <strong>the</strong> Avoid Pronoun Principle in order to account for<strong>the</strong> fact that in English, genitive pronouns may be dropped in certain NPs. Jaeggli(1982) uses <strong>the</strong> same principle to capture <strong>the</strong> fact that empty subjects and object cliticsare used instead <strong>of</strong> phonologically realized pronominal subjects and noncliticpronominal objects, respectively. Chomsky (1981.142.note 45) also reports a suggestionby J. Gueron, who proposes to derive <strong>the</strong> obviation effect from AvoidPronoun. Bouchard's (1984) Elsewhere Principle and Farkas's (1992) "blocking approach"constitute two o<strong>the</strong>r slightly different attempts at using versions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>Avoid Pronoun Principle in order to account for <strong>the</strong> obviation effect.18. The existence <strong>of</strong> this element is language specific. Thus, although all<strong>Balkan</strong> languages have subjunctive particles comparable to sa, <strong>the</strong>y may lack a counterpart<strong>of</strong> ca (see Modern Greek in particular).19. In oral speech, examples <strong>of</strong> this kind are acceptable with heavy focus stresson <strong>the</strong> dislocated constituent.20. Arguably, <strong>the</strong> verb raises to T ra<strong>the</strong>r than to sa itself, regardless <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>rwe assume inflected verbs to be formed in <strong>the</strong> lexicon (and raised to an abstract T in<strong>the</strong> syntax) or to be formed in <strong>the</strong> syntax, by raising a V root to <strong>the</strong> tense features,hosted under T.21.1 follow Dobrovie-Sorin (1994) and Chomsky (1995. chap. 4) in assumingthat Agr does not project a functional category <strong>of</strong> its own but merely adjoins to tense.22. Apparent counterexamples exist:(i) /- can permis lid Ion[Ij him-CL.ACC have allowed him to Johnca mdine sa stea a casa.that tomorrow sa stay-3SG.SL'BJ at home

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