Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

(ii)ADJECTIVAL DETERMINERS IN ALBANIAN AND GREEK 195[ DP [ F P1 [API] Fl L FP2 [AP2] F2 ... [APn ] Fn L NPThe structure in (ii) could be taken to be a derived structure rather than a base structure.Both in (i) and (ii), movement of an XP containing the noun to a projection complementof D higher than the adjectives, as in (22a) or (23a), is possible.10. The Albanian Case and definiteness marker, -in in (22), can attach not onlyto a noun but also to an adjective (cf. the contrast between (13a) and (13b) in the textand the relevant discussion), that is, it has more independence than a regular (wordlevel)affix. Thus one might be led to view it as a clitic. However, in a theory likethat articulated by Zwicky in the introduction of Nevis et al. (1994), which only recognizeswords and nonwords, so that clitics are either deviant words or deviant affixes,this form could probably be treated as a "phrasal affix." Halpern (1995) treatsthe Bulgarian definite article, which shows the same sort of behavior as the correspondingmorpheme in Albanian, along these lines. 1 am indebted to B. D. Josephfor this observation.11. In Androutsopoulou (1994, 1995), where 1 look the adjectives to be basegenerated as a series of heads from left to right within the main DP structure (cf. (i) innote 9), I proposed the structure in (i) for the DP in (23b):(i) [ D p [ D ta j 1 LDEFPI LDEFP2 l j CNP 'M]j [DEFI ta ] UP kal ° l iThe two structures in (23a) and (i) are essentially parallel. DEFP1 in (i) (taken in thework mentioned above to be essentially an agreement head, named DEFP because itshead is occupied by a token of the definite determiner) corresponds to D/PP in (23a).12. In Androutsopoulou (1994, 1995), 1 named this projection DEFP. If thestand taken in this essay is correct, given the parallelism between D/PP in (22a) and(23a) and my DEFP1 in the structure in (i) in note 11, it is conceivable that it will bepossible to show that the DEFP at the head of which sits the definite determiner precedingvivlio in (24) is actually another instance of D/PP. 1 leave the issue open forfuture research.13. According to Higginbotham (1985), 9-identification takes place under thestructural configuration of government holding between the adjective and the noun, ifwe assume for a DP like that in (26a) the structure in (i) (cf. Abney 1987):(i) [DP ID l °J UP U kal °J INP IN viviio]]]i.14. In contrast to Greek, in a language like English, where again the definite determineris a free morpheme, the identification process in (27b) does not obtain, becauseonly Greek has "the right kind of definite determiner," presumably one that potentiallyis referentially weak. I will not pursue further this issue here.15. In (22a), the noun djalin is definite. However, the identification process in(21 b) obtains also in indefinite DPs in Albanian, as indicated by the occurrence inthis language of adjectival determiners in indefinite DPs (cf. section 2.1). This is sobecause in Albanian indefiniteness. like definiteness, is marked morphologically onthe noun (cf. section 2). On the other hand, in Greek indefiniteness and definiteness,are not morphologically marked on the noun, and thus, in indefinite DPs, we do notexpect the identification process in (27b) to obtain necessarily. I believe that 6 identification,as in (26b), obtains in Greek indefinite DPs in which the adjective isprenominal, as in (i), while the identification process in (27b) obtains in Greek indefiniteDPs in which the adjectives are postnominal, as in (ii) (cf. (30) and relateddiscussion in section 6):(i) ena kalo vivlioa good book'a good book'i