ADJECTIVAL DETERMINERS IN ALBANIAN AND GREEK 171In Greek, as opposed to Albanian, both processes <strong>of</strong> identification, <strong>the</strong> one depictedin (26b) and <strong>the</strong> one depicted in (27b), are available. In Albanian, anexample corresponding to (26a) is ungrammatical (cf. section 9.1 for discussion<strong>of</strong> Albanian prenominal adjectives). Consequently, (26b) is unavailable. I wouldlike to suggest that this contrast between <strong>the</strong> two languages is due to <strong>the</strong> factthat in Greek, as opposed to Albanian, <strong>the</strong> relevant definite determiner, <strong>the</strong> leftmostto in (27a), is a free morpheme. Thus, it may be included in <strong>the</strong> derivation,yielding <strong>the</strong> identification process in (27b), u or it may not be included in <strong>the</strong>derivation, yielding 6 identification, as in (26b), that is, to kaio vivlio. InAlbanian, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, definiteness is marked on a suffix on <strong>the</strong> noun (cf.section 2) and thus has to be part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> morphological make-up <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> noun.Consequently, it is always included in <strong>the</strong> derivation, 6 identification is blocked,and <strong>the</strong> Principle <strong>of</strong> Full Interpretation in this case can only be satisfied through<strong>the</strong> identification process in (27b). 15 In (22a) and (23a), when at Spec, D/PP, <strong>the</strong>noun enters in a Spec-head configuration with <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner heading<strong>the</strong> D/PP, and thus, agreement in morphological features between <strong>the</strong> noun and<strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner can be checked. As already discussed in sections 2 and3, in both <strong>the</strong> Albanian and <strong>the</strong> Greek examples in (22b) and (23b), respectively,<strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner agrees in morphological features with <strong>the</strong> noun. It is<strong>the</strong> spell-out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> [a DEF, P Case, y gender, 8 number] features <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nounmodified by <strong>the</strong> corresponding adjective. The analysis proposed here straightforwardlycaptures this fact.6. Definiteness agreement checkingAs already mentioned (cf. (15) in section 2.1 above), in Albanian, <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner depends on whe<strong>the</strong>r it immediately follows a definitenoun or not. Observe, for instance, <strong>the</strong> different forms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determinerin (28a) and (28b):(28) a.b.nje vajzea girl-INDEF.FEM.DAT.SG•good girl (DAT)'t eDET-INDEF.FEM.DAT.SGvajzessegirl-DEF.FEM.DAT.SG DET-DEF.FEM. .DAT.SG'<strong>the</strong> good girl (FEM.DAT)'miregood-FKM.SGmiregood-FEM.SGI call <strong>the</strong> token <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner that immediately follows a definitenoun <strong>the</strong> definite token <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner. In all o<strong>the</strong>r positions <strong>the</strong>nondefinite one appears, with <strong>the</strong> exception discussed in note 16, for <strong>the</strong> followingcombinations <strong>of</strong> gender, number, and Case: an adjectival determiner immediatelyfollowing a definite noun has a form different from that which it has in all<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r positions in which it may occur:(i)(ii)in <strong>the</strong> singular accusative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> masculine and <strong>the</strong> feminine,in <strong>the</strong> singular nominative and accusative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> neuter,
172 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(iii)(iv)in <strong>the</strong> plural nominative and accusative <strong>of</strong> all genders,16in <strong>the</strong> singular genitive, dative, ablative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> feminine.For <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r combinations <strong>of</strong> gender, number, and Case, <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>adjectival determiner is <strong>the</strong> same across all <strong>the</strong> positions in which it may appear,for instance, in <strong>the</strong> nominative <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> singular <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> masculine, as in (29):(29) a. djali i mireboy-DEF DET good'<strong>the</strong> good boy'b. i miri djaleDET good boy'<strong>the</strong> GOOD boy'The above facts indicate that agreement in definiteness obtains between <strong>the</strong> nounand <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner. I will assume that definiteness agreement betweena definite noun and an adjectival determiner immediately following such a nounobtains also in <strong>the</strong> cases in which <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner does notchange when it is immediately preceded by a definite noun, as in (29). The differencebetween <strong>the</strong> case in (28) and that in (29) is that in <strong>the</strong> latter, <strong>the</strong> definitetoken <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner in (29a) (corresponding to <strong>the</strong> token in (28b))and <strong>the</strong> nondefinite token <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner in (29b) (corresponding to<strong>the</strong> token in (28a)) are morphologically <strong>the</strong> same. In <strong>the</strong> structure in (22a), definitenessagreement between a definite noun and an adjectival determiner immediatelyfollowing it, djalin and e in (22a) and (22b) above, is checked, under aSpec-head configuration, when <strong>the</strong> former sits in Spec, D/PP.In Greek, also, <strong>the</strong> occurrence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner evidences definitenessagreement between <strong>the</strong> noun and <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner. Recall that inGreek, <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner is morphologically identical to <strong>the</strong> correspondingform <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> definite determiner, and that it occurs obligatorily only in definiteDPs when <strong>the</strong> adjective is postnominal. Thus <strong>the</strong> contrast between (30a) and(30b) and <strong>the</strong> ungrammaticality <strong>of</strong> (30c):(30) a.c.*to vivlio kokino<strong>the</strong> book red"<strong>the</strong> red book'*ena vivlio to kokinoa book <strong>the</strong> red'a red book'b. to vivlio to kokino<strong>the</strong> book <strong>the</strong> red'<strong>the</strong> red book'd. (ena) vivlio kokinoa book red'a red book'I will call <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner that appears in Greek definite DPs, <strong>the</strong> definitetoken <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner, and will assume that in this language, <strong>the</strong>nondefinite token <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> adjectival determiner, <strong>the</strong> one that we would expect toappear in an example like (30d), is not morphologically realized. As inAlbanian, definiteness agreement between <strong>the</strong> noun and <strong>the</strong> adjectival determineris checked in Greek, when <strong>the</strong> extended projection <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> noun, to vivlio in <strong>the</strong>structure in (23a), <strong>the</strong> relevant part <strong>of</strong> which is repeated here under (31), sits in<strong>the</strong> specifier <strong>of</strong> D/PP:
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Comparative Syntax of Balkan Langua
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Comparative Syntax ofBalkan Languag
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Contents1 Introduction 3Maria Luisa
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4 MARIA LU1SA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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6 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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8 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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10 MARIA LUIS A RIVERO AND ANGELA R
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12 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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14 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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16 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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18 BRIAN D. JOSEPHsubjects are perm
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20 BRIAN D. JOSEPH(1) Pan-Balkan Cl
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22 BRIAN D. JOSEPHd. Alb perpiqem t
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24 BRIAN D. JOSEPHIf similarities i
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26 BRIAN D. JOSEPHdepends on what o
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28 BRIAN D. JOSEPHe. introducer of
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30 BRIAN D. JOSEPHi." Mi ta xerja s
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32 BRIAN D. JOSEPHspecial propertie
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34 BRIAN D. JOSEPHc. *John did defi
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36BRIAN D. JOSEPH(14)PositiveNegati
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38 BRIAN D. JOSEPHthe German term n
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40 BRIAN D. JOSEPH28. I find Zwicky
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42 BRIAN D. JOSEPHJoseph, B. D. 199
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3Head-to-Head Mergein Balkan Subjun
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46 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN2.1. Contro
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48 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINanaphoric s
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50 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. E greu s
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52 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINconfigurati
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54 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(19) a. Jua
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56 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. Doresc c
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58 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(27)In orde
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60 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. *Bonibel
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62 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINOne may won
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64CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(d)Neg has a
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66 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(43) a. Ion
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68 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(47) A feat
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70 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINand NP rais
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72 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINReferencesA
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4Control and Raisingin and out of S
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76 ANNA ROUSSOUb. Voglio an da re.
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78 ANNA ROUSSOUlatridou (1993) cons
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80 ANNA ROUSSOUignore the propertie
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82 ANNA ROUSSOU2.2. Mood and comple
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84 ANNA ROUSSOU(1992b), namely the
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86 ANNA ROUSSOUpurposes it suffices
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88 ANNA ROUSSOUextend to raising pr
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90 ANNA ROUSSOULet us now go back t
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92 ANNA ROUSSOU(33) Ta pedja fenond
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94 ANNA ROUSSOU(37) a. I tried (*fo
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96 ANNA ROUSSOU(41) O Janis deli (i
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98 ANNA ROUSSOURoberts (1996) argue
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100 ANNAROUSSOU7. Sportiche (1997)
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102ANNAROUSSOUChomsky, N. 1986. Bar
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104 ANNAROUSSOURoberts, I. 1996. "T
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106 ILIYANA KRAPOVAterms of binding
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108 ILIYANA KRAPOVAsubset (as in (4
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110 ILIYANA KRAPOVAstrictly differe
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112 ILIYANA KRAPOVA2.3. PRO subject
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114 ILIYANA KRAPOVAThe fact that co
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116 ILIYANA KRAPOVAadverb vcera 'ye
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118 ILIYANA KRAPOVAillustrated in (
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222 MARIA LUISA RIVEROHolmbcrg, A.
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226 NAME INDEXFarkas, D., 8,54,57,7
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230 SUBJECT INDEXbare output condit
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232 SUBJECT INDEXindividual-denotin
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234 SUBJECT INDEXsubjuntive operato