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ADJECTIVAL DETERMINERS IN ALBANIAN AND GREEK 179respect to (22a) (/(42a)), in section 5, the noun, djale in (4la), moves to D tocheck its categorial N feature against the N feature hosted under this head(Chomsky 1995). When at Spec, D/PP the noun enters into a Spec-head agreementconfiguration with the adjectival determiner heading the projection, andsince in (4la) the noun is not +definite, the token of the adjectival determinerappearing in this case is the nondefinite one (cf. section 6). I assume here, asdoes Chomsky (1995), that words enter syntactic derivations already formed.Here -in is a Case and definiteness marker. In Albanian, these markers can attachto [+N] constituents; thus, -in can attach to a noun as well as to an adjectivestem, and both djalin and mirin are well-formed words. If mirin is part of the initialnumeration, the derivation in (41) will go through. If djalin is part of theinitial numeration, the derivation in (42a) will go through. A final remark is duehere with respect to the obligatory appearence of the Case and definitenessmarker on the adjective and not on the noun, when the former has a focus interpretation:strings like te mire djalin are ungrammatical. In descriptive terms, inan Albanian DP, the Case and definiteness marker, -in in the examples at hand,is borne by the first constituent on the left that can bear it (cf. (40) and (42b)). Ipropose that on its way to Spec, F(ocus)P, the D/PP constituent te mirin mustgo through Spec, DP so that it can escape the DP (cf. (41b)). Furthermore, apartfrom the categorial N feature checked by the noun that is hosted under D, anothercategorial feature, namely D, is hosted under D as well. This feature can bechecked either by a constituent at Spec, DP or by a head left-adjoined to D. ACase and definiteness marker, like -in in (40), is also a categorial D-featuremarker. If, finally, we assume that a constituent at Spec, DP must check thecategorial D feature under discussion, we can explain why the adjective mustobligatorily bear the Case and definiteness marker suffix, -in in (40), when it ispreposed due to a +Focus interpretation. If the adjective were not marked withthe Case and definiteness marker, the derivation in (41) would not go through:when at Spec, DP, the D/PP constituent would not be able to check the D categorialfeature of D. In the derivation in (22a)/(42a), the categorial D feature ischecked by the noun djalin, which independently moves to D to check its categorialN feature.In sum, then, according to the proposal in (41), the derivation of the DP in(40) involves the same basic steps as in the derivation of the DP in (42b), thatis, movement of the noun as an XP to Spec, D/PP (with subsequent movementof the noun as head to D) and movement of the adjective to the specifier of anagreement projection. These movements essentially create, in both cases, a relativizingstructure, as discussed in section 5 above. The differences between thederivations in (41) and (42a), as discussed in the present section, offer a straightforwardaccount of the differences between the examples in (42b) and (40). Inthis respect, the present analysis presents an advantage over previous proposalsfor the syntactic treatment of Albanian adjectival determiners.Giusti (1992.225) proposes that Albanian DPs like those in (42a) and (40)should be analyzed as in (43) and (44) respectively, where FP1 and FP2 arefunctional projections:
180ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(43)(44)In (43), FP2 rather than AP (cf. Cinque 1994) sits at Spec, AgrP, the presenceof the adjectival determiner leading to the postulation of this functional projection.The occurrence of the noun to the left of the adjective in (42b) is accountedfor in terms of N raising (cf. (43)). Examples like (40) are derived through raisingof FP2 to Spec, FP1 (cf. (44)).In (43) and (44), the differences in Case and definiteness marking between(40) and (42b) are treated independently of one another. In (43), the noun djalinbears the suffix -in by virtue of its raising to Fl. In (44), the adjective mirin acquiresthe suffix -in through a phonological rule. Also, although in both casesthe adjectival determiner, the head of FP2, in (43) and (44) is marked for Case,in (44), but not in (43), the adjective is marked for Case. That is, the Case feature(regardless of the mechanism under which it is assigned, presumablythrough Fl), does not percolate down to the head of the complement of F2 in aconfiguration like that in (43), while it does so in the configuration in (44).
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Comparative Syntax of Balkan Langua
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Comparative Syntax ofBalkan Languag
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Contents1 Introduction 3Maria Luisa
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4 MARIA LU1SA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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6 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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8 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RAL
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10 MARIA LUIS A RIVERO AND ANGELA R
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12 MARIA LUISA RIVERO AND ANGELA RA
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18 BRIAN D. JOSEPHsubjects are perm
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20 BRIAN D. JOSEPH(1) Pan-Balkan Cl
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22 BRIAN D. JOSEPHd. Alb perpiqem t
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24 BRIAN D. JOSEPHIf similarities i
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26 BRIAN D. JOSEPHdepends on what o
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28 BRIAN D. JOSEPHe. introducer of
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30 BRIAN D. JOSEPHi." Mi ta xerja s
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32 BRIAN D. JOSEPHspecial propertie
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34 BRIAN D. JOSEPHc. *John did defi
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36BRIAN D. JOSEPH(14)PositiveNegati
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38 BRIAN D. JOSEPHthe German term n
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40 BRIAN D. JOSEPH28. I find Zwicky
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42 BRIAN D. JOSEPHJoseph, B. D. 199
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3Head-to-Head Mergein Balkan Subjun
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46 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN2.1. Contro
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48 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINanaphoric s
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50 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. E greu s
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52 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINconfigurati
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54 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(19) a. Jua
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56 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. Doresc c
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58 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(27)In orde
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60 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINb. *Bonibel
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62 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINOne may won
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64CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(d)Neg has a
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66 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(43) a. Ion
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68 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORIN(47) A feat
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70 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINand NP rais
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72 CARMEN DOBROVIE-SORINReferencesA
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4Control and Raisingin and out of S
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76 ANNA ROUSSOUb. Voglio an da re.
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78 ANNA ROUSSOUlatridou (1993) cons
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80 ANNA ROUSSOUignore the propertie
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82 ANNA ROUSSOU2.2. Mood and comple
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84 ANNA ROUSSOU(1992b), namely the
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86 ANNA ROUSSOUpurposes it suffices
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88 ANNA ROUSSOUextend to raising pr
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90 ANNA ROUSSOULet us now go back t
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92 ANNA ROUSSOU(33) Ta pedja fenond
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94 ANNA ROUSSOU(37) a. I tried (*fo
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96 ANNA ROUSSOU(41) O Janis deli (i
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98 ANNA ROUSSOURoberts (1996) argue
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100 ANNAROUSSOU7. Sportiche (1997)
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102ANNAROUSSOUChomsky, N. 1986. Bar
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104 ANNAROUSSOURoberts, I. 1996. "T
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106 ILIYANA KRAPOVAterms of binding
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108 ILIYANA KRAPOVAsubset (as in (4
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110 ILIYANA KRAPOVAstrictly differe
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112 ILIYANA KRAPOVA2.3. PRO subject
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114 ILIYANA KRAPOVAThe fact that co
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116 ILIYANA KRAPOVAadverb vcera 'ye
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118 ILIYANA KRAPOVAillustrated in (
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120 ILIYANA KRAPOVA(34) a. Iskain d
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122 ILIYANA KRAPOVAmovement of na+V
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124 ILIYANA KRAPOVA13. It has been
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126 ILIYANA KRAPOVARivero, M. L. 19
Page 135 and 136: 128 DALINA KALLULLIprcsuppositional
Page 137 and 138: 130 DALINA KALLULLImoment, let us j
Page 139 and 140: 132 DDALINAKALLULLIb. den pijeno me
Page 141 and 142: 134 DALINA KALLULLId. What did Ana
Page 143 and 144: 136 DALINA KALLULLIb. O Janis (*ta)
Page 145 and 146: 138 DALINA KALLULLIHowever, the fac
Page 147 and 148: 140DALINA KALLULLIb. Anna hat das B
Page 149 and 150: 142 DALINA KALLULLIWhile definite a
Page 151 and 152: 144 DALINA KALLULLIWhat are the fac
Page 153 and 154: 146 DALINA KALLULLIproperties. The
Page 155 and 156: 148 DALINA KALLULLIobjects, are in
Page 157 and 158: 150 DALINA KALLULLIIn this section
Page 159 and 160: 152 DALINA KALLULLI(62) a. weil ich
Page 161 and 162: 154 DALINA KALLULLI7. Albanian and
Page 163 and 164: 156 DALINA KALLULLIpresumably respo
Page 165 and 166: 158 DALINA KALLULLI47. In the Princ
Page 167 and 168: 160 DALINA KALLULLIRaposo, E. 1997.
Page 169 and 170: 162 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUpreposit
Page 171 and 172: 164 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUd.e.f.va
Page 173 and 174: 166 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(20) a.
Page 175 and 176: 168 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUcal feat
Page 177 and 178: 170 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUwhich is
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Page 181 and 182: 174 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUThe Alba
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Page 185: 178 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(42) a.b
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Page 191 and 192: 184 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(56) a.b
Page 193 and 194: 186 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUIn (58)
Page 195 and 196: 188 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUto D). D
Page 197 and 198: 190 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(3)That
Page 199 and 200: 192 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(11) a.b
Page 201 and 202: 194 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOUadjectiv
Page 203 and 204: 196 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU(ii) ena
Page 205 and 206: 198 ANTONIA ANDROUTSOPOULOU24. It i
Page 207 and 208: 8Last Resort and V Movementin Balka
Page 209 and 210: 202 MARIA LUISA RIVEROthey need not
Page 211 and 212: 204 MARIA LUISA RIVEROterms and is
Page 213 and 214: 206 MARIA LUISA RIVERO(8) a.b.Kogaw
Page 215 and 216: 208 MARIA LUISA RIVEROthat the orde
Page 217 and 218: 210 MARIA LUIS A RIVEROfeature must
Page 219 and 220: 212 MARIA LUIS A RIVEROThe restrict
Page 221 and 222: 214 MARIA LUIS A RIVERO3. Greek in
Page 223 and 224: 216 MARIA LUIS A RIVEROmovement in
Page 225 and 226: 218 MARIA LUISA RIVEROThe equivalen
Page 227 and 228: 220 MARIA LUISA RIVERObecause it sh
Page 229 and 230: 222 MARIA LUISA RIVEROHolmbcrg, A.
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Page 233 and 234: 226 NAME INDEXFarkas, D., 8,54,57,7
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230 SUBJECT INDEXbare output condit
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232 SUBJECT INDEXindividual-denotin
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234 SUBJECT INDEXsubjuntive operato
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