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Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

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112 ILIYANA KRAPOVA2.3. PRO subjects in Type II subjunctivesI claimed above lhat Type II Ss have an anaphoric PRO subject, which requires alocal DP controller in order to be interpreted regardless <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> embeddedagreement serves to identify its featural content. This requirementimposes a strict identity condition on <strong>the</strong> agreement specification <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> matrixand <strong>the</strong> embedded verbs (compare (14) with (10) above) and <strong>the</strong> same time excludes<strong>the</strong> possibility <strong>of</strong> an arbitrary PRO in Blg control structures, as <strong>the</strong>ungrammaticality <strong>of</strong> (15a) shows:(14) Ivan maze [PROda zamine/*zaminem/*zamines.]Ivan is-able-3SG da leave-3SG/leave-lPL/leave-2SG(15) a. *Ivan maze [PRO arb da SE zamine.}Ivan is-able-3SG daSE leave-3SGb. Mary is able PRO to wash herself/*oneself.In (15a) <strong>the</strong> embedded clause contains <strong>the</strong> impersonalizing particle SE,which generally produces arbitrary effects when added to a third person verb inBlg. It has been noticed (Bouchard 1984, Koster 1984, among o<strong>the</strong>rs) that <strong>the</strong>relationship between PRO and its controller is similar to <strong>the</strong> relationshipbetween an anaphor and its antecedent. Thus, from a binding-<strong>the</strong>oretic perspective,(15a) will be ruled out for <strong>the</strong> same reason as (15b) in English is ruledout—lack <strong>of</strong> an appropriate antecedent to bind <strong>the</strong> anaphor (but see Lasnik 1992for arguments that Control cannot be reduced to <strong>the</strong> principles <strong>of</strong> binding<strong>the</strong>ory). If arb effects in Blg arc related to <strong>the</strong> structural properties <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>embedded subject (as Krapova 1996 has argued), <strong>the</strong>n we may expect that <strong>the</strong>feature arb will be compatible only with pro subjects. Construction (16), whichhas a Type I S, confirms this observation:(16) Ivan iska [pro arb da SE trvgne sledobed.}Ivan want-3SG to SE leave-3SG afternoon'Ivan wants (for people/one) to leave in <strong>the</strong> afternoon.'Given that <strong>the</strong> null subject in Type II Ss is PRO and not pro, it will be incomplementary distribution with lexical DPs and with bound or free pronouns,as (17a) and (17b) illustrate:(17) a. lvan { uspja [PRO/*f6>y (/J /*i>raf mu BigIvan succeeded-3SG he/bro<strong>the</strong>r hisda speceli nmogo part.]da make-3SG a lot <strong>of</strong> moneyTvan succeeded in making a lot <strong>of</strong> money.'b. OJani 6a pr<strong>of</strong>dasi [PRO na kani MGrk<strong>the</strong> Janis will succeed-3SG to make-3SGmja volta (*o aSelfos tu/*aftos )a wulk (bro<strong>the</strong>r his/he)'Janis will be able to go for a walk.'

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