Comparative Syntax of the Balkan Languages (Oxford ... - Cryptm.org

DIRECT OBJECT CLITIC DOUBLING 153also shown that specificity cannot be bestowed on an argument by a doublingclitic or scrambling; instead, specificity is fundamentally related to the D slot.Specificity effects in doubling and scrambling constructions are only byproductsof deeper triggering properties.NotesThis paper is a condensed version of the second and third chapter of my Ph.D dissertation(cf. Kallulli 1999). Versions of it were presented at the GLOW-workshop "The Syntax ofBalkan Languages" (Athens, April 1996) and at the ESSE/4 workshop "Clitics in theLanguages of Europe" (Debrecen, September 1997). I am grateful to these audiences fortheir comments. I am indebted to Antonia Androutsopoulou for her invaluable help withthe Greek data. I also [hank Lars Hellan. Joe Emonds and Georg Niklfeld for theircomments as well as the anonymous reviewer of the volume Clitic Phenomena inEuropean Languages (F. Beukema and M. den Dikken, eds.), in which a version of thispaper will also appear. Finally, I thank the editors of the present volume for their encouragementand support.1. Here I depart from the view that an NP is exclusively a complement of D (cf.Abney 1987) and more generally from the implication that once a projection is available,at least within a given language, it is always present and syntactically active in thatlanguage even though at times it may be inert or morphologically empty (cf. Chomsky1995). Note, however, that I am not claiming that the D position cannot be morphologicallyempty. For discussion, see sections 4.2 and 4.3, where 1 argue that count baresingulars and existential bare plurals are not DPs with a morphologically null D, but NPsaltogether lacking a D projection. Consequently, they are not arguments but predicates atLF. By contrast, generic bare plurals are DPs with morphologically null Ds. The advantageof this distinction between DPs and NPs is that it allows for a more principled mappingbetween syntax and semantics.2. Albanian and Greek have identical Case systems except that the Greek counterpartof the Albanian dative is genitive.3. For a detailed description of the positioning of clitics in several types of clauses inAlbanian and Greek, see Joseph and Philippaki-Warburton (1987), Rivcro (1994), RiveroandTerzi (1994), and Kallulli (1995, 1997).4. For an analysis as to why clitic climbing is absent across all Balkan languages,seeTerzi (1992).5. In this context, cf. also Suner (1988.399-400) who provides the following examplesfrom Porteno Spanish as empirical evidence against viewing the prepositionalelement a in Spanish, a language where Kayne's generalization seems to be generallyoperative, as a Case-assigning device; she argues instead that a is an animacy marker,which is why it is missing in the examples (i)-(iii) below.(i) Yo lo voy a comprar el diario justo antes de subir.I am going to buy it-the newspaper just before coining up(ii) Yo la tenia prevista esta inuerte.1 had foreseen it-this death(iii) Ahora tiene que seguir usndo lo el apellido.Now she has to go on using it-the surname.6. On the significance of violations of Kayne's generalization for the clitic doublingparameter, cf. Anagnostopoulou (1994.