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Asian Transformations in Action - Api-fellowships.org

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COLLAGES OF BETTERMENT 219activities to be conducted with<strong>in</strong> a given radius of anactivity generator.Worth mention<strong>in</strong>g are the various street elementsthat have sociocultural roots. As an example, outdoorbenches (golodog) can only be found with<strong>in</strong> Sundanesesettlements. This refers to a 50-cm bench connectedto the dwell<strong>in</strong>g unit fac<strong>in</strong>g the alleyways where peoplecan sit and talk to each other. This def<strong>in</strong>es the ma<strong>in</strong>alleyway as opposed to the back alley. However, <strong>in</strong>urban kampungs where the majority of <strong>in</strong>habitantsare Sundanese, the golodog is still present but hasbeen transformed <strong>in</strong>to a terrace which uses a differentmaterial from the orig<strong>in</strong>al wooden bench (i.e., ceramics)(Rahaju 2006). Although this type of element is notpresent with<strong>in</strong> Javanese kampungs, there is, however,always a specific place provided for the social venueof its <strong>in</strong>habitants such as the alun-alun, which servesas the local landmark and centraliz<strong>in</strong>g element for theJavanese kampung (Siregar 1990).Animistic reflections on the streetsThere are also various street practices that have animisticroots. Animism is the pre-colonial belief of most ofthe colonial cities <strong>in</strong> Southeast Asia. Animism wasborne out of the forest (Suzuki 1978). In Bangkok, itis often common to see street trees that have coloredrope-like fabric go<strong>in</strong>g around the trunks. The older thetree, the more of these fabrics go<strong>in</strong>g around it. Also,the presence of street shr<strong>in</strong>es and spirit houses on ornear the sidewalk is said to reflect the reverence of thepresent owners towards the spirits who lived on theland. Some commercial establishments br<strong>in</strong>g out food<strong>in</strong> the morn<strong>in</strong>g to offer to the gods so that they will havehigher profits for the day. Also, some pedestrians br<strong>in</strong>gout food and offer it to the <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g dog populationwith<strong>in</strong> metropolitan Bangkok. Thus, <strong>in</strong>digenousknowledge, both positive and negative, should beFigure 2: Spirit houses <strong>in</strong> Bangkok complete with flowers, <strong>in</strong>cense,leis and food <strong>in</strong> the foreground.determ<strong>in</strong>ed, considered and evaluated if the aim is tocreate a susta<strong>in</strong>able street space for its users. Figure 2shows images of spirit houses.The street market and the <strong>in</strong>formal street cultureGiven that the typical <strong>Asian</strong> is a social <strong>in</strong>dividualwho does not go out alone and prefers to do activitiestogether with other people, the <strong>Asian</strong> street space istransformed <strong>in</strong>to a dest<strong>in</strong>ation itself, replete with eat<strong>in</strong>gplaces, shopp<strong>in</strong>g venues and meet<strong>in</strong>g areas. With<strong>in</strong> thecase cities, the presence of market places reflects thestrong Indic-Ch<strong>in</strong>ese <strong>in</strong>fluence that has evolved <strong>in</strong>toa dist<strong>in</strong>ctive pasar (bazaar) culture. In Bandung, fleamarkets and bazaars draw a large crowd, such as theregular Friday bazaar along Ganesha Street <strong>in</strong> Bandungthat has the mosque worshippers as its captive market.McGee (1967) writes that the highly compact anddensely populated commercial-residential prec<strong>in</strong>ctof Sampeng, which hosted the largest concentrationof Ch<strong>in</strong>ese-born people <strong>in</strong> Bangkok, reflected the<strong>in</strong>digenous Thai city and at the same time served as thegreat bazaar and provided a hierarchy of commodityand food markets.However, a major component <strong>in</strong> street spacesusta<strong>in</strong>ability is social equity. This refers to theaccessibility of the streets to all users such as pedestrians,the <strong>in</strong>formal street economy and other street users.Often, and <strong>in</strong> various transport studies, <strong>in</strong>formal streetusers are considered obstructions to pedestrian flow.However, their rampant presence <strong>in</strong> almost all streetssurveyed <strong>in</strong> Southeast Asia and how the correspond<strong>in</strong>ggovernment deals with them deserves mention<strong>in</strong>g.As a matter of policy, and <strong>in</strong> the name of cleanl<strong>in</strong>essand beauty, street vendors are be<strong>in</strong>g cleared off ofthe sidewalks. However, this is often met with lowcompliance. Aga<strong>in</strong>, the concept of street takes on theWestern view that it is solely for movement. However,<strong>Asian</strong> streets do not only distribute people but serve asa market place and trad<strong>in</strong>g venue as well. This also hassociohistorical roots.The <strong>in</strong>formal sector is comprised of those who undertakeactivities that do not pay taxes, do not submit regulargovernment reports, and at times, rout<strong>in</strong>ely violatecerta<strong>in</strong> rules or law (Habito 2005). They are a significantpresence <strong>in</strong> most commercial areas. In more traditionaldistricts <strong>in</strong> the Philipp<strong>in</strong>es, they occupy the “fivefoot-way”contribut<strong>in</strong>g to a unique sidewalk culture.The streets become makeshift marketplaces where the<strong>in</strong>formal economy thrives. Vendors and hawkers displaytheir wares where<strong>in</strong> buyers may use the art of barter<strong>in</strong>gto purchase goods and services. Informal activities<strong>Asian</strong> <strong>Transformations</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Action</strong>The Work of the 2006/2007 API Fellows

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