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NOTES 32725. Robert L. O'Connell, Of Arms and Men: A History of War, Weapons,and Aggression (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 95-96.26. "Michele de Cuneo's Letter," in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents,p. 220.27. "Letter of Dr. Chanca, written to the City of Seville," in Cecil Jane, ed.,Select Documents Illustrating the Four Voyages of Columbus (London: HakluytSociety, 1930), Volume One, pp. 52, 70.28. Andres Bernaldez, "History of the Catholic Sovereigns, Don Ferdinand andDona Isabella," ibid., pp. cxlvii, 118, 124.29. "Columbus's Letter to the Sovereigns," in Morison, ed., journals and OtherDocuments, p. 186.30. "Syllacio's Letter to the Duke of Milan, 13 December 1494," ibid., pp.236,244.31. Ibid., p. 245.32. Quoted in Benjamin Keen, ed., Readings in Latin-American Civilization,1492 to the Present (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1955), p. 78; and Tzvetan Todorov,The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, translated by RichardHoward (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), p. 151.33. Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians, p. 4; Stanley L. Robe, "WildMen and Spain's Brave New World," in Edward Dudley and Maximillian E.Novak, eds., The Wild Man Within: An Image in Western Thought from theRenaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972),p. 44.34. J.H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, 1492-1650 (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1972), pp. 43-44.35. David Brion Davis, Slavery and Human Progress (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1984), p. 55; Elena Lourie, "Anatomy of Ambivalence: Muslims underthe Crown of Aragon in the Late Thirteenth Century," in Lourie, Crusade andColonisation: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Medieval Aragon (Hampshire:Variorum, 1990), p. 53.36. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 101. Although this decision by the Priors ofFlorence was particularly telling, it is worth noting that in Spain a century earlierIslamic converts to Christianity continued to suffer unique indignities-such asbeing referred to disdainfully as baptisats-and they remained vulnerable to enslavement.See Lourie, "Anatomy of Ambivalence," p. 71.37. Quoted in Elena Lourie, "A Society Organised for War: Medieval Spain,"Past and Present, 35 (1966), 73; emphasis added.38. C.R. Boxer, Two Pioneers of Tropical Medicine: Garcia d'Orta and NicolasMonardes. Diamante, Volume 14 (London: The Hispanic and Luso-BrazilianCouncils, 1963), p. 11; quoted in Joseph H. Silverman, "On Knowing Other Peoples'Lives, Inquisitorially and Artistically," in Mary Elizabeth Perry and Anne J.Cruz, Cultural Encounters: The Impact of the Inquisition in Spain and the NewWorld (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 161. The fifteenth- andsixteenth-century history of the doctrine of limpieza de sangre is discussed brieflybut insightfully in J .H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (New York: St. Martin'sPress, 1964), pp. 95, 212-17 and Ronald Sanders, Lost Tribes and PromisedLands: The Origins of Racism (Boston: Little, Brown, 1978), pp. 70-73.