american-holocaust

334 NOTESpassage and had secured the necessary permit." [See Magnus Morner, "SpanishMigration to the New World Prior to 1810: A Report on the State of Research,"in Chiappelli, Allen, and Benson, eds., First Images of America, Volume Two, p.744; and Peter Boyd-Bowman, "Spanish Emigrants to the Indies, 1595-98: A Profile,"in ibid., pp. 729, 732.] Letters home from these men-both conquistadorsand ostensible settlers-show that they shared a common goal: as James Lockhartputs it, "practically all [Spanish] settlers originally intended to return [home], and. . . the maximum ambition for all, regardless of how often it could be realized,was a seigneurial existence in Spain." [James Lockhart, "Letters and People toSpain," in ibid., pp. 795-96, note 28.] One example of the success rate for thosedesiring to return, which may or may not have been typical, shows that of the menwho followed Pizarro to Peru-approximately 80 percent of whom have been ac·counted for-fully half are known to have returned to Spain to live out their lives.[James Lockhart, The Men of Cajamarca: A Social and Biographical Study of theFirst Conquerors of Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press for the Institute ofLatin American Studies, 1972), p. 47, Table 12.] In contrast, not only were a muchgreater proportion of the seventeenth-century English colonists females and marriedmales, but servants tended to remain in the colonies following the completionof their indentures, and even English servants in Barbados, when they achievedtheir freedom, tended to head for Virginia or other North American colonies ratherthan return to England. [See Morgan, American Slavery-American Freedom, pp.298-99.) It is true that some of the earliest Massachusetts Bay colonists plannedat some time to return to England, but that hope ended for most within a decadeor two with the outbreak in England of civil war. [For discussion, see William L.Sachse, The Colonial American in Britain (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,1956).]121. See Anthony Pagden, Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination:Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory, 1513-1830 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), esp. pp. 16-33; another versionof this analysis is the same author's essay, "Dispossessing the Barbarian: The Languageof Spanish Thomism and the Debate over the Property Rights of the Amer·ican Indians," in Anthony Pagden, ed., The Languages of Political Theory in Early­Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 79-98.122. Quoted in David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies,1584-1606 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), pp. 228-30; see also, Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony (Totowa,N.J.: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984), pp. 62-63.123. William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison(New York: Modern Library, 1967), pp. 270-71; Canup, Out of the Wilderness,pp. 21, 30.124. Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, ed. Kenneth B. Murdock(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), p. 129; second passage quoted inForrest G. Wood, The A"ogance of Faith: Christianity and Race in America fromthe Colonial Era to the Twentieth Century (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990),p. 262.125. Canup, Out of the Wilderness, p. 77.126. Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, p. 89.127. There is a good deal of literature on this, but see especially the following: