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NOTESH3113. See Schlatter, Private Property, pp. 77-123.114. Thomas More, Utopia, edited by Edward Surtz (New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 1964), p. 76.115. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, andthe Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), pp.82, 135-38.116. R.C. [Robert Cushman?], "Reasons and Considerations Touching Uponthe Lawfulness of Removing Out of England into the Parts of America," Collectionsof the Massachusetts Historical Society, Second Series, 9 (1832), 69-70.117. John Winthrop, "Reasons to be Considered, and Objections with Answers,"reprinted in EdmundS. Morgan, ed., The Founding of Massachusetts: Historiansand the Sources (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964), p. 175. Regarding theapocalyptic beliefs of these early settlers, the leading minister and religious thinkeramong the first Massachusetts colonists was John Cotton, who delivered a seriesof highly influential sermons during the 1630s and 1640s that not only announcedthe imminent coming of the end of the world but even pinpointed the date-1655.See John Cotton, An Exposition Upon the Thirteenth Chapter of the Revelation(London, 1655), first distributed in 1639 or 1640. For discussion, see Everett H.Emerson, john Cotton (New York: Twayne, 1965), pp. 95-101; Larzer Ziff, TheCareer of john Cotton (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962), pp. 170-202;and, more generally, J.F. Maclear, "New England and the Fifth Monarchy: TheQuest for the Millennium in Early American Puritanism," William and MaryQuarterly, 3rd Series, 32 (1975), 223-60.118. Winthrop, "Reasons to be Considered," pp. 177-78.119. Roger Williams, A Key into the Language of America (1643), quoted inWilliam Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology ofNew England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), p. 60.120. Bartolome de Las Casas, The Devastation of the Indies: A Brief Account,translated by Herma Briffault (New York: Seabury Press, 1974), p. 41. By 1720the combined white populations of the various British colonies was approximately400,000, according to U.S. Census Bureau figures reprinted in The Statistical Historyof the United States from Colonial Times to the Present (Stamford, Conn.:Fairfield Publishers, 1965), p. 756, Series Z 1-19. As noted earlier (Chapter Three,note 127), the comparable figure after more than a century of Spanish settlementin the New World was probably about 200,000, although it may have been lessthan that in view of the heavy return traffic; one study, for example, contends thatan average of about 6000 Spaniards per decade left the New World and returnedto Spain between 1550 and 1650. [Theopolis Fair, "The Indiana During the SpanishGolden Age from 1550 to 1650" (Doctoral dissertation, Temple University,1972), p. 75.] Moreover, unlike the British colonists, most of the Spanish migrationto the Americas for more than a century was overwhelmingly young, single,male, and impoverished. Magnus Mi:irner has demonstrated that the Spanish migrantswere 95 percent male through 1540, while Peter Boyd-Bowman has shownthat even after a century of migration, two of three Spanish settlers were male.Indeed, here is Boyd-Bowman's "composite picture" of the "typical ... Spanishemigrant" near the start of the seventeenth century: "a poverty-stricken Andalusianmale aged 27!, unmarried, unskilled, and probably only semi-literate, drivenby hunger to make his way to Peru in the employ of any man who would pay his

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