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The 1995/1996 Household Income, Expenditure - (PDF, 101 mb ...

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IV.17<br />

"sticky" downward; more rigid than they would be without certain practices,<br />

such as indexation, which have little to do with real output. Much of the<br />

distortion in the real wage in Egypt is due to the Ifovernment acting as too<br />

large an employer, pushing the wage bill too high. When the costs of wages<br />

get too high the use and intensity of labor compared to capital changes in<br />

ways which hurt overall growth in the economy, and may contribute to<br />

unemployment. In a macroeconomic context, higher productivity would serve<br />

to smooth the functioning of the labor market. Since mismatched labor and<br />

unemployment are high in Egypt, employers should invest in human capital<br />

through training, and the government should remove the legislative barriers<br />

which constrain labor mobility. <strong>The</strong> public sector should also continue to cut<br />

back on its wage rolls, and allow the private sector more latitude in setting<br />

real wage rates. In the meantime the government should send a signal that it<br />

is serious about privatizing by reconsidering the size of benefits to its<br />

employees, and by passing the unified labor law.<br />

In a microeconomic context, the real gains in productivity should begin<br />

in the agriculture sector. This means that secondary processing should be<br />

developed and retained in the rural areas. Value added in agriculture must<br />

not continue to flow into urban areas where it commands a lower marginal<br />

value.<br />

IV. Conclusion<br />

This chapter began with estimates of labor force size, employment and<br />

unemployment rates. <strong>The</strong> measurement of these variables is confounded by<br />

nonstandard practices in Egypt. If CAPMAS adhered to best practices in labor<br />

force surveys, official estimates of labor force size would be higher and<br />

unemployment would be lower. Nonstandard definitions cause a downward bias<br />

in the nu<strong>mb</strong>er of household income earners, notably housewives.<br />

Beyond the question of double counting and missing counts of<br />

employees, however, are two thorny measurement concerns: the extent of<br />

underemployment and the size of the informal sector both impact heavily on<br />

earnings. Underemployment, not just of labor, but also of the necessary<br />

production inputs, is the root cause of low productivity in the country. <strong>The</strong><br />

next labor force survey should concentrate on measuring underemployment<br />

better. <strong>The</strong> size of the informal sector may covary with the nu<strong>mb</strong>er of extra<br />

jobs, and multiple income sources are more common in rural areas.<br />

Agricultural activities provide more and varied opportunities for earnings, but<br />

overall primary extractive work is not lucrative. Adjusting for inflation, real<br />

wages in agriculture have not kept pace with inflation. Real wages of day<br />

laborers have eroded only marginally less. Public sector wages are very high<br />

compared to other worker organizations.<br />

What characterizes an Egyptian worker who aspires to a career in the<br />

well-paid public sector? For one thing, such a person earns a wage and is<br />

probably, therefore "in the formal sector." What factors, then, contribute<br />

positively to being a wage employee? Being young, married, and having lower<br />

household income levels makes an employee more likely to be a wage earner.<br />

16 <strong>1995</strong>/<strong>1996</strong> preliminary actual wage expenditures are more than 27% of<br />

total current expenditures, according to the Central Bank of Egypt (<strong>1996</strong>),<br />

Table 5/1, p. 139.

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