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The 1995/1996 Household Income, Expenditure - (PDF, 101 mb ...

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y the large C.V. that sampling and non-sampling error around the estimate<br />

may be a problem. Precision suffers also in the measurement of Cairo's<br />

housing and utilities expenditures - the confidence band around the mean is<br />

one-third to one-fourth of the estimate. <strong>The</strong> "Other Urban" region appears<br />

ahead of the other regions in most expenditures, ultimately in total<br />

expenditures.<br />

ILE Extent of Self-Sufficiency<br />

11.7<br />

<strong>Household</strong>s in the HIECS produce for their own consumption. <strong>The</strong><br />

amount of home production depends mainly on where the household resides.<br />

<strong>The</strong> importance of home production cannot be understated. <strong>The</strong> imputed value<br />

of home produced items (mainly food) divided by the total (market) value of<br />

actual consumption gives a percentage that indicates the extent of household<br />

self-sufficiency. This is presented by region in Table II.4. <strong>The</strong> frequency,<br />

the sample percentage, the row percentage, and the column percentage are<br />

shown in each cell. Naturally household production is most prevalent in the<br />

rural areas, with Lower and Upper Rural Egypt dominating. More than threequarters<br />

of households with a home-produced ratio of greater than 40% are in<br />

Lower Rural Egypt.<br />

<strong>The</strong> System of National Accounts (SNA) of the United Nations considers<br />

household "subsistence production," or "production on own account," to be<br />

both an income and an expenditure (see UN (1982». By definition, a<br />

household which is completely "self-sufficient" has a total expenditure which<br />

equals the total income from its production. Intuitively, household production<br />

itself is fully income for the household, and that part consumed is clearly<br />

consumption expenditure. In practice the distinction sometimes is not so<br />

clear-cut, especially with components having "investment value." In training,<br />

for example, interviewers were told (erroneously) not to include household<br />

expenditures on chicken feed for fear of double-counting (when the household<br />

consumed the chicken). <strong>The</strong> exact accounting for the consumption of that<br />

chicken would have the household subtract the overall cost of chicken feed<br />

from the total market value of the chicken as an expenditure, then to tally<br />

also the total income market value of that chicken. In truth the real values<br />

of goods produced at home are the values of those goods in the highest cost<br />

alternative market. It is often an unreasonable assumption that the<br />

respondent has such detailed knowledge of market conditions to provide a<br />

proper valuation of withdrawals from production. Confusion often arises with<br />

regard to the final realization of both capital and non-capital commodities, too.<br />

Taken to its logical extreme, the valuation of goods can become tautological:<br />

What if the household purchases a hoe? How can we assume that the hoe will<br />

be used in farm production?<br />

CAPMAS can be accused of having an "expenditure bias" in its<br />

surveying, because it has always suspected income measures. <strong>The</strong> last survey<br />

was the first time they tabulated income at all, and then only badly. It is<br />

known and expected that respondents have more income sources than they<br />

admit, but there seems too much willingness on the part of the survey<br />

authorities to accept this situation casually. For a country serious about the<br />

proper measurement of incomes, own production and the imputed value of<br />

owners' equivalent rent need to be recognized as both incomes and<br />

expenditures. <strong>The</strong> estimation of consumption is really quite difficult without a

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