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EMBEDDED: WEAPONS OF MASS DECEPTION<br />

Patriotism Police hunt you down.” Fear of being<br />

so hunted led broadcasters to do some hunting<br />

of their own, perhaps to keep any potential critics<br />

at bay. In the unbrave world of broadcasting,<br />

Sorenson fired Peter Arnett for the crime of saying<br />

on Iraqi TVwhat he had been saying on<br />

MSNBC.<br />

When MSNBC correspondent Ashleigh Banfield<br />

publicly criticized some of the war coverage<br />

as “sanitized,” she was “taken to the wood shed”<br />

and chastised publicly by her bosses. This intolerance<br />

towards dissent in the ranks sent an<br />

unmistakable message to any others who might<br />

raise similar questions. (It is still not clear if her<br />

contract will be renewed.)<br />

Was it just fear and intimidation that led so<br />

many in the media to become willing boosters of<br />

the “coalition of the willing?” Why was the<br />

prospect of war constantly projected as<br />

inevitable, and then widely accepted, even<br />

eagerly anticipated, as “the next big thing?” It<br />

seems clear that large sectors of the media were<br />

not duped but rather complicit, even enthusiastic<br />

flag-waving partners with the military<br />

THE SEDUCTIONS OF EMBEDDING<br />

THE embedding program helped breach the wall<br />

between the media and the military, between<br />

subject and reporter. Few investigated the origins<br />

and financing of this program. Thanks to<br />

Milwaukee Magazine, we now know why:<br />

“Who paid for this media training, transportation<br />

and equipment? Unwittingly, American taxpayers<br />

picked up the tab for these and many<br />

other expenses in the military’s embedded<br />

media program.<br />

“That’s one way of looking at it,” concedes Maj.<br />

244<br />

Tim Blair, Pentagon officer in charge of the program.<br />

Another way of looking at it is the embedded<br />

media, by accepting military handouts at<br />

taxpayer expense, betrayed the public’s trust<br />

and venerable journalism policies against freebies.”<br />

WHAT IT SOUNDED LIKE<br />

CARTOONIST Aaron McGruder captured the frequent<br />

flavor of the exchange between studio and<br />

journalist in one of his Boondocks strips. His<br />

principal character, Huey Freeman, is watching<br />

the tube:<br />

“I’m Aaron Brown, this is CNN. We’re talking<br />

to one of our brave correspondents in Iraq.<br />

Hello?<br />

“Hey, Aaron” is the response.<br />

“You are so brave to be out there.<br />

“Thanks Aaron, I am brave but our troops are<br />

braver.<br />

“Yes our troops are brave. But you are very<br />

brave as well.<br />

“Yes Aaron, there is a lot of bravery here.”<br />

“There sure is a lot of Bravery – IN YOU, my<br />

friend.<br />

“ . . . And that’s it. From Iraq, back to you<br />

Aaron.”<br />

This invented exchange captures a psychic<br />

subtext of self-promotion and mission identification.<br />

For many covering the war, the task clearly<br />

had a personal dimension, the sense journalists<br />

crave of doing something important, and being<br />

part of history. In years past, this type of satisfaction<br />

came from crusading, muckraking,<br />

‘speaking truth to power.’ Today, it seems to<br />

come from serving power and its many servants.

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