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statesman overnight.<br />

9/11 provided the opening for rolling out a prepackaged<br />

and orchestrated strategy of deception<br />

and demagoguery, which would be amplified on<br />

the airwaves, endlessly recycled and repeated.<br />

When the decision to go to war was made, in<br />

early September 2002, the media offensive<br />

began. The country was prepared for the<br />

“inevitable” in a rollout that resembled a product<br />

launch. Speech after speech hit the same<br />

themes positioning a strategy of aggression into<br />

a posture of defense and victimization. The<br />

alarmist note was enunciated by the President in<br />

Cincinatti on Oct. 7, 2002, “The Iraqi dictator<br />

must not be permitted to threaten America and<br />

the world with horrible poisons and diseases and<br />

gases and atomic weapons.”<br />

Was America and the world at large ever so<br />

threatened? Were there horrible poisons, and<br />

diseases and gases and atomic weapons just<br />

waiting to be deployed? Were there other<br />

weapons of mass destruction being hidden for<br />

later use? Was there a link between Saddam<br />

Hussein’s secular regime and the 9/11 Islamic<br />

jihad junkies presumably following orders from<br />

Osama bin Laden?<br />

GOVERNMENT MEDIA MANAGEMENT<br />

AS preparations for a war with Iraq moved up on<br />

the Administration’s agenda, plans were made to<br />

sell the story. Journalists were easy prey for<br />

media savvy ideologues in Washington who had<br />

perfected a strategy of perception management,<br />

and knew how to play the media as an orchestra<br />

conductor directs different instruments.<br />

The Administration understood how to get its<br />

message out and did so relentlessly. Corporate<br />

WHAT CAN WE DO ABOUT IT?<br />

247<br />

PR techniques were implanted early on with the<br />

Iraq war “rolled out’ like a product with a multitiered<br />

campaign to sell the policy to the public<br />

through the media. Sheldon Rampton and John<br />

Staunber of PR Watch tell this story in detail in a<br />

new book on “the uses of propaganda in Bush’s<br />

War on Iraq.” Like this one, it is about weapons<br />

of mass deception; only their emphasis is on the<br />

PR campaign and media management techniques<br />

used by the Administration and the Pentagon<br />

through a network of PR firms, think<br />

tanks, lobbying groups, disinformation specialists<br />

military operators and international marketing<br />

efforts. Among their findings:<br />

“ ● Top Bush officials advocated the invasion of<br />

Iraq even before he took office, but waited until<br />

September 2002 to inform the public, through<br />

what the White House termed a “product<br />

launch.”<br />

“ ● White House officials used repetition and<br />

misinformation – the “big lie” tactic – to create<br />

the false impression that Iraq was behind the<br />

September 11th terrorist attacks . . .<br />

“ ● Forged documents were used to “prove”<br />

that Iraq possessed huge stockpiles of banned<br />

weapons.<br />

“ ● A secretive PR firm working for the Pentagon<br />

helped create the Iraqi National Congress<br />

(INC), which became one of the driving forces<br />

behind the decision to go to war.”<br />

From a war fighting perspective, media is now<br />

viewed as a target for IO – Information Operations<br />

– a key component of what military people<br />

call Psy-ops. “Information is the currency of victory,”<br />

says one military manual. Winning the<br />

media war is as important as winning on the<br />

battlefield.<br />

And, hence, the deployment of a well-trained

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