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EMBEDDED: WEAPONS OF MASS DECEPTION<br />
he lie?” The report leaned to a toned-down “all<br />
presidents use selective interpretation”. A week<br />
earlier, in contrast, the Economist in London put<br />
a picture of Tony Blair on its cover with less<br />
equivocation and beating around the bush. It<br />
blared about Blair: “LIAR.” In testimony before a<br />
Parliamentary Committee, Clare Short, one of<br />
Blair’s Minister who resigned in protest, catalogued<br />
deliberate distortion in her former Government’s<br />
position. She called it – echoing the<br />
title of this book – “Honorable Deception.”<br />
In the United States, the focus has been on<br />
intelligence failings and how the Administration<br />
abused its spy agencies and concocted a threat<br />
that was not there to stage a war that may not<br />
have been needed. This focus has been misplaced<br />
– and even so – not fully pursued. As Maureen<br />
Dowd put it in late June: “They’re scrutinizing<br />
who gathered the intelligence rather than<br />
those who pushed to distort it.” For more detail<br />
on this whole sordid tale, see the New Republic’s<br />
take out, Deception and Democracy in its June<br />
30th, 2003, issue. The magazine focuses on government<br />
deception.<br />
This book looks at how media outlets bought<br />
this whole distorted story, and then brought it to<br />
the rest of us.<br />
This book was rushed out almost like a Samizdat<br />
publication in the old Soviet Union; clearly, it<br />
lacks the more considered perspective of the<br />
many that will follow. There is more to dig up<br />
and some of it may lead believers in a free press<br />
to throw up,<br />
That does not mean that many American journalists<br />
are willing to concede they had been used<br />
and had their trust abused. Few see a connection<br />
between the June 2nd, 2003, FCC rule changes<br />
that sailed through a body headed by the son of<br />
260<br />
the Secretary of State as a reward to media companies<br />
for a job well done.<br />
Many media people remain defensive, far<br />
more willing to point their fingers at government<br />
deception than their own. “I really want to read<br />
a book by someone who wasn’t there,” was the<br />
dismissive response I received when I offered to<br />
send this book to a military correspondent on a<br />
newspaper in Atlanta.<br />
That may sound like fair point. But, the fact is<br />
that many of those who were there had no idea<br />
of the picture that most of were getting, or how it<br />
was hyped, exaggerated and shorn of context.<br />
The value of news has to be evaluated by its consumers,<br />
not its originators.<br />
Writes Chris Hedges who has covered many<br />
wars for the New York Times:<br />
“I doubt that the journalists filing the hollow<br />
reports from Iraq, in which there are images but<br />
rarely any content, are aware of how they are<br />
being manipulated. They, like everyone else,<br />
believe. But when they look back, they will find<br />
that war is always about betrayal.”<br />
He believes that journalists are used to disseminate<br />
myths, justify war and boost the<br />
morale of soldiers and civilians. “The lie in war<br />
time is always the lie of omission,” he wrote in<br />
The Nation.<br />
Perhaps it’s too soon for many in the media to<br />
recognize these truths. At the same time, I am<br />
sure that much of what I have to say, and perhaps<br />
even how I say it, is far too “unobjective” for<br />
many in the media trenches to “get.” Most distrust<br />
personality-inflected commentary from<br />
independent journalists who deviate or dissent<br />
from the straight and narrow, or even from the<br />
more predictable left-right divide.<br />
In the words of Lord Tennyson, “Theirs is not