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EMBEDDED: WEAPONS OF MASS DECEPTION<br />

he lie?” The report leaned to a toned-down “all<br />

presidents use selective interpretation”. A week<br />

earlier, in contrast, the Economist in London put<br />

a picture of Tony Blair on its cover with less<br />

equivocation and beating around the bush. It<br />

blared about Blair: “LIAR.” In testimony before a<br />

Parliamentary Committee, Clare Short, one of<br />

Blair’s Minister who resigned in protest, catalogued<br />

deliberate distortion in her former Government’s<br />

position. She called it – echoing the<br />

title of this book – “Honorable Deception.”<br />

In the United States, the focus has been on<br />

intelligence failings and how the Administration<br />

abused its spy agencies and concocted a threat<br />

that was not there to stage a war that may not<br />

have been needed. This focus has been misplaced<br />

– and even so – not fully pursued. As Maureen<br />

Dowd put it in late June: “They’re scrutinizing<br />

who gathered the intelligence rather than<br />

those who pushed to distort it.” For more detail<br />

on this whole sordid tale, see the New Republic’s<br />

take out, Deception and Democracy in its June<br />

30th, 2003, issue. The magazine focuses on government<br />

deception.<br />

This book looks at how media outlets bought<br />

this whole distorted story, and then brought it to<br />

the rest of us.<br />

This book was rushed out almost like a Samizdat<br />

publication in the old Soviet Union; clearly, it<br />

lacks the more considered perspective of the<br />

many that will follow. There is more to dig up<br />

and some of it may lead believers in a free press<br />

to throw up,<br />

That does not mean that many American journalists<br />

are willing to concede they had been used<br />

and had their trust abused. Few see a connection<br />

between the June 2nd, 2003, FCC rule changes<br />

that sailed through a body headed by the son of<br />

260<br />

the Secretary of State as a reward to media companies<br />

for a job well done.<br />

Many media people remain defensive, far<br />

more willing to point their fingers at government<br />

deception than their own. “I really want to read<br />

a book by someone who wasn’t there,” was the<br />

dismissive response I received when I offered to<br />

send this book to a military correspondent on a<br />

newspaper in Atlanta.<br />

That may sound like fair point. But, the fact is<br />

that many of those who were there had no idea<br />

of the picture that most of were getting, or how it<br />

was hyped, exaggerated and shorn of context.<br />

The value of news has to be evaluated by its consumers,<br />

not its originators.<br />

Writes Chris Hedges who has covered many<br />

wars for the New York Times:<br />

“I doubt that the journalists filing the hollow<br />

reports from Iraq, in which there are images but<br />

rarely any content, are aware of how they are<br />

being manipulated. They, like everyone else,<br />

believe. But when they look back, they will find<br />

that war is always about betrayal.”<br />

He believes that journalists are used to disseminate<br />

myths, justify war and boost the<br />

morale of soldiers and civilians. “The lie in war<br />

time is always the lie of omission,” he wrote in<br />

The Nation.<br />

Perhaps it’s too soon for many in the media to<br />

recognize these truths. At the same time, I am<br />

sure that much of what I have to say, and perhaps<br />

even how I say it, is far too “unobjective” for<br />

many in the media trenches to “get.” Most distrust<br />

personality-inflected commentary from<br />

independent journalists who deviate or dissent<br />

from the straight and narrow, or even from the<br />

more predictable left-right divide.<br />

In the words of Lord Tennyson, “Theirs is not

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