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Second Language Acquisition and Second ... - Stephen Krashen

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fundamentally different mental representation than other kinds of language.<br />

Routines <strong>and</strong> Patterns in First <strong>Language</strong> <strong>Acquisition</strong><br />

R. Brown (1973), in his study of first language acquisition, noted that some of his<br />

subjects' sentences were memorized wholes <strong>and</strong> patterns. He hypothesized that<br />

prefabricated routines in children were the result of very high input frequency of a<br />

structure that was, at that time, beyond the child's linguistic maturational level. We<br />

cannot improve on Brown <strong>and</strong> Hanlon's (1970, pp. 50-51) description of this<br />

phenomenon (see also Cazden, 1972, p. 110).<br />

The parents of Adam, Eve, <strong>and</strong> Sarah did produce certain WH-questions at a very<br />

high rate in a period when children did not underst<strong>and</strong> the structure of WH-questions.<br />

What happened then? The children learned to produce the two most frequently<br />

repeated WH-questions, What's that? <strong>and</strong> What doing? on roughly appropriate<br />

occasions. Their performance had the kind of rigidity that we have learned to<br />

recognize as a sign of incomprehension of structure: they did not produce, as their<br />

parent of course did, such structurally close variants as What are these? <strong>and</strong> Who's<br />

that? <strong>and</strong> What is he doing? When, much later, the children began to produce all<br />

manner of WH-questions in the pre-posed form (such as What he wants) it was<br />

interesting to note that What's that? <strong>and</strong> What are you doing? were not at first<br />

reconstructed in terms of the new analysis. If the children had generated the sentences<br />

in terms of their new rules they ought to have said What this is? <strong>and</strong> What you are<br />

doing? but instead, they, at first, persisted with the old forms.... We suggest that any<br />

form that is produced with very high frequency by parents will be somehow<br />

represented in the child's performance even if its structure is far beyond him. He will<br />

find a way to render a version of it <strong>and</strong> will also form a notion of the circumstances in<br />

which it is used. The construction will become lodged in his speech as an<br />

unassimilated fragment. Extensive use of such a fragment probably protects it, for a<br />

time, from a reanalysis when the structure relevant to it is finally learned.<br />

Thus, routines appear to be immune to rules at first. This clearly implies that<br />

routines are part of a system that is separate from the process generating rulegoverned,<br />

propositional language. It is also evidence that automatic speech does not<br />

"turn into" creative constructions. Rather, the creative construction process evolves<br />

independently. This is exactly position 2 as stated above.<br />

Another indication that automatic speech forms are generated by a different process<br />

than creative construction is the fact that Brown's subject Adam produced many<br />

patterns (such as "It's a ______", <strong>and</strong><br />

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