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102 Chapter 2<br />

nation of this decision is set out in detail in his decretal Debitum,<br />

which will be discussed in more detail in the chapter on bigamy: it<br />

is a key text. As will become clear there, this intellectually gifted<br />

ecclesiastical politician had a coherent and consistent symbolic rationale<br />

in mind. Granted his ability to turn ideas into action, we<br />

should not be surprised to find him behind the most thoroughgoing<br />

attempt—probably in human history up to that point—to impose<br />

a ‘one man to one woman for life’ model of marriage on a large<br />

literate society.<br />

Innocent’s intransigence towards royal matrimonial wishes<br />

showed the way things were going. Even more remarkable than his<br />

decision to confirm Marie de Montpellier’s marriage was his refusal<br />

after much diplomatic delay to grant an annulment to Philip II Augustus<br />

of France. Innocent needed Philip as an ally. In the early<br />

thirteenth century Philip made himself the most powerful ruler in<br />

Europe. The empire was divided by a succession crisis and had<br />

no serious centralized revenues by comparison with France. The<br />

Angevin empire under King John su·ered a humiliating defeat and<br />

a massive loss of land to Philip. Behind his success was wealth.<br />

Innocent was trying to get a pro-papal candidate made Holy Roman<br />

Emperor; in 1207 he imposed his candidate as archbishop of<br />

Canterbury after a disputed election, and found himself locked in<br />

a serious conflict with the king of England. By inflexibility towards<br />

Philip he was taking a risk. In hindsight, we know he could afford<br />

to, but he could not have been so sure in advance: the other<br />

crises were too serious. The rejected girl was a Danish princess.<br />

Staying on good terms with Denmark was desirable, but good relations<br />

with France were more important by far: in the early 1200s<br />

France had achieved a position comparable to that of the United<br />

States from the 1990s: not the only power that mattered, but far<br />

As Rinc‹on recognized: ‘En la exposici‹on detallada que acabamos de hacer, ha<br />

quedado, a nuestro juicio, incuestablemente patente la relevancia jur‹§dica de la significaci‹on<br />

sacramental del matrimonio, debido, en gran manera, al peso magisterial<br />

yjur‹§dico de la decretal Debitum de Inocencio III’ (El matrimonio, 403).<br />

In addition to works cited below, see J. Gaudemet. ‘Le dossier canonique sur<br />

mariage de Philippe Auguste et d’Ingeburge de Danemark (1193–1213)’, Revue<br />

historique de droit franc«ais et ‹etranger, 62 (1984), 15–29, repr. in id., Droit de l’ ‹Eglise<br />

et vie sociale au Moyen A^ge, no.xiv.<br />

For instance, to judge by the accounts of 1202/3, ‘An overwhelming surplus<br />

was...availableforthecostsofthe“hotel”andthemilitary campaign against John’<br />

(J.W.Baldwin,The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal<br />

Power in the Middle Ages (Berkely etc., 1986), 174).

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