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34 Chapter 1<br />

This may have been because the Latin of the English clergy was<br />

even worse on average than elsewhere—a plausible position though<br />

hard to prove. Whatever the reason, vernacular homilies would<br />

surely have been much more accessible to the lower clergy. They<br />

are easily accessible to the historian too, since the content of the<br />

corpus has been thoroughly indexed.<br />

Perhaps the earliest relevant passage is from the Blickling Homilies.<br />

(These are one of two collections of vernacular Anglo-Saxon<br />

homilies whose date, setting in life, and audience all seem uncertain.)<br />

In a sermon for the Annunciation we find the following:<br />

‘the Heavenly King shall prepare thy womb as a bridal chamber for<br />

his son, and also great joy in the bride-chamber . . .’ And again,<br />

‘Let us rejoice then in the union of God and men, and in the union<br />

of the bridegroom and the bride, that is Christ and holy church.’<br />

This is marriage symbolism, but there is apparently not much more<br />

of it in vernacular collections other than ªlfric’s. ªlfric uses marriage<br />

symbolism in several places, one of them his homily on the<br />

marriage feast of Cana Gospel reading.<br />

Pastoral delivery systems in the early Middle Ages<br />

The vernacular tradition in England raises a question about the<br />

Continent and indeed about the impact of Latin texts in England<br />

itself. Were most laypeople near enough to a church to have even<br />

the possibility of hearing regular sermons? Would the mass of the<br />

clergy have been capable, suciently Latin-literate, to use Latin<br />

R. DiNapoli, An Index of Theme and Image to the Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon<br />

Church, Comprising the Homilies of ªlfric, Wulfstan, and the Blickling and Vercelli<br />

Codices (Hockwold cum Wilton, 1995): for marriage, see pp. 62–3.<br />

C. D. Wright, ‘Vercelli Homilies XI–XIII and the Anglo-Saxon Benedictine<br />

Reform: Tailored Sources and Implied Audiences’, in C. Muessig (ed.), Preacher,<br />

Sermon and Audience in the Middle Ages (Leiden etc., 2002), 203–27 at 205–6. See<br />

also especially M. Clayton, The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Saxon England<br />

(Cambridge, 1990): ‘we have no unambiguous proof that the anonymous works<br />

do belong to the pre-reform period, rather than to a date closer to the dates of<br />

compilation of the manuscripts in which they are found’ (264); she cautions against<br />

assigning the anonymous homilies to the pre-reform period (264–6).<br />

The Blickling Homilies of the Tenth Century, from the Marquis of Lothian’s<br />

Unique MS. A.D. 971, ed. and trans. R. Morris (London, 1880), 8.<br />

Ibid. 10.<br />

See DiNapoli, Index of Theme and Image, 63, under ‘the Church is Christ’s<br />

bride’.<br />

For a commentary on this homily with analysis of its sources see M. Godden,<br />

ªlfric’s Catholic Homilies: Introduction, Commentary and Glossary, ed. M. Godden<br />

(Early English Text Society, SS 18; Oxford, 2000), 370–80.

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