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56 Chapter 1<br />

16497 (written on cheap parchment) cost 12 sol. of Paris all told,<br />

so the parchment would have cost between 2 and 3 sol., between a<br />

quarter and a third of a florin, quite a modest sum. Alms given<br />

by Louis IX in 1256 give a relative idea of the cost of the parchment<br />

for this book. Thus pittances of bread and wine for fourteen days<br />

came to £38. 17s. 8d. in Paris currency, pittances from the kitchen<br />

for eighteen days came to £33. 2s. 6d., and alms for 200 poor on<br />

14 August came to £20, a little short of the cost of the parchment<br />

for BN Lat. 16497 for each poor person. On the assumption that<br />

the parchment was the main monetary cost because the labour cost<br />

only the future user’s time, the book—of this sort and in these<br />

circumstances—becomes a relatively inexpensive article.<br />

Another study notes a fifteenth-century English manuscript<br />

composed of parchment quires (sixteen pages per quire) which cost<br />

a penny-halfpenny each. To put this in perspective by comparison<br />

with a peasant inventory from 1457: two buckets are valued at<br />

a shilling, which makes each worth four quires; a sheet cost 4d.,<br />

more than two quires; two worn canvasses cost 4d., each more than<br />

a quire; a chair cost 3d., two quires. Friars received substantial<br />

donations, and money on this scale would have been readily available.<br />

In the light of these figures, some of the ideas current among<br />

scholars about the minimum cost of a basic parchment book are<br />

exaggerated by orders of magnitude.<br />

As just noted, manuscripts with maverick modifications of the<br />

text can be written as well as if they were produced by professional<br />

scribes. Whoever improvised upon the text did so in a physical form<br />

that others could use and copy. These maverick texts with nonconformist<br />

variants are not confined to personal preaching notebooks<br />

which could only be of use to the man who wrote them.<br />

Here it is useful to invent a term: cul-de-sac books. A cul-de-sac<br />

Evidence’, in P. R•uck, Pergament: Geschichte, Struktur, Restaurierung, Herstellung<br />

(Historische Hilfswissenschaften, 2; Sigmaringen, 1991), 145–57 at 147, 151.<br />

Bataillon, ‘Les conditions de travail’, 423 n. 24 (citing M. Mabille, ‘Les<br />

manuscrits de Jean d’Essomes conserv‹es ›a la Biblioth›eque Nationale de Paris’,<br />

Biblioth›eque de l’ ‹Ecole des Chartes, 130 (1972), 231–4).<br />

Cf. P. Spu·ord, with the assistance of W. Wilkinson and S. Tolley, Handbook of<br />

Medieval Exchange (Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks, 13; London,<br />

1986), 168.<br />

E. M. Hallam, Capetian France 987–1328 (London etc., 1980), 233, table 5.1.<br />

Cf. Gullick, ‘From Parchmenter to Scribe’, 151.<br />

C. Dyer, Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England<br />

c. 1200–1520 (Cambridge, 1989), 170.

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