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72 Chapter 1<br />

them the being that comes from God. This is a good end. So procreation<br />

must be good. Then comes the Aristotle citation, as with<br />

Aldobrandino.<br />

Servasanto uses a series of other arguments from nature, notably:<br />

nothing made by nature is superfluous, so the sexual organs<br />

must be there to be used (properly, of course). Nature provided for<br />

reproduction, just as for nutrition; but if nutrition is good, so is<br />

reproduction. It is a greater thing to conserve the species than the<br />

individual; but nutrition preserves only the individual, reproduction<br />

the species; so the sexual act of generation is more necessary<br />

to the universe and not sinful.<br />

All this has a relevance to the argument about the influence of<br />

marriage symbolism. The positive rationale for marriage in preaching<br />

converged with the symbolic message but will also have helped<br />

to foster social attitudes in the public which could give a secure base<br />

for the reception of the symbolism. The less that attitudes to marriage<br />

were coloured by religious approval, the weaker the base for<br />

religious marriage symbolism. Marriage would be a weaker symbol<br />

of union with God for people who thought that marriage in the<br />

normal human sense had nothing at all to do with their religion.<br />

Conclusion<br />

There is every reason to think that marriage symbolism became<br />

a powerful force in the lay world through preaching, from the<br />

thirteenth century on. The symbol of metaphor was intrinsically<br />

powerful, at least for many of those who had the basic religious<br />

beliefs and some positive experience of marriage.<br />

Why did this not happen before the thirteenth century? The<br />

simple answer seems to be that an adequate delivery system for<br />

bringing marriage doctrine and marriage symbolism to the laity<br />

had not been in place. There was some popular preaching, but the<br />

Carolingian reforms had anticipated the preaching revolution of<br />

the thirteenth century on a relatively minute scale. The total volume<br />

of preaching material was very small in comparison with that<br />

of the last three medieval centuries. In any case a high proportion<br />

of ordinary priests were not well equipped educationally to make<br />

e·ective use of Latin homiliaries or sermons even if they had them.<br />

Furthermore, marriage symbolism seems to have played a relatively<br />

insignificant role in what preaching there was. Though the verdict<br />

Servasanto da Faenza: Document 1. 11. 5.

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