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184 Chapter 4<br />

case, rather famous among historians of marriage because it established<br />

the principle that consent makes a marriage, might never<br />

have happened had there not been a long delay between present<br />

consent and consummation. The following passage is central to the<br />

history of medieval marriage as well as being directly relevant to<br />

our specific problem:<br />

As to your question concerning the sacrament of marriage, I give you this<br />

brief answer. With regard to the lady who you said was given in marriage<br />

by her father, and was returned into her father’s keeping by the man to<br />

whom she had been given until on a day appointed he should take her into<br />

his own house, I say that, if it was done by lawful consent, she was a wife<br />

from the moment when by her promise freely given she consented to be<br />

his wife. For it was not a promise for the future, but a present arrangement<br />

with immediate e·ect.<br />

Here we see a decision that present consent alone makes a valid<br />

marriage. It is also mentioned as if quite normal that the wife went<br />

back to live in her father’s house for a time. What looks like a similar<br />

arrangement is agreed in a later thirteenth-century original charter<br />

in the British Library. It is a marriage agreement, but some complex<br />

financial arrangements between the fathers of bride and groom are<br />

included in it. For our purposes what matters is a provision that<br />

the bride, Maud, would remain with her father for a year after her<br />

marriage before joining her husband.<br />

The dowry theme discussed above in connection with Italy is<br />

made explicit in a Berkshire case from the mid-thirteenth century.<br />

We read that<br />

Alexander . . . says that he did not keep any of the chattels of the aforesaid<br />

The words are purportedly those of Pope Innocent II, as quoted in a letter of<br />

the bishop of Winchester, quoted in a letter by Archbishop Theobald of Canterbury,<br />

actually composed by his aide John of Salisbury! See The Letters of John of Salisbury,<br />

ed. W. J. Millor, SJ, H. E. Butler, and C. N. L. Brooke, i. The Early Letters (1153–<br />

1161) (Oxford, 1986), 228–9. For background see Brooke, The Medieval Idea of<br />

Marriage, 148–52.<br />

‘Et por cestes choses le dit Monser Barthe’ dorra au dit Monser Robert mil’ et<br />

deux centz mars a paier, cest a saver deux centz mars lendemein de la seint Johan<br />

prochein avenir, a quen iour le dit monser Robert fera la dite reconisaunce de vint<br />

mil’ mars et deux centz mars ala seint Jake prochein suant a quen iour est acorde qe<br />

le mariage se fera entre les avantditz Robert et Maud, et deux centz mars au Noel<br />

prochein suant, deux centz mars ala Pasque prochein suant, deux centz mars ala<br />

seint Johan prochein suant, et deux centz mars ala seint Michel prochein suant. Et<br />

la dite Maud demorra en la garde le dit monser Barthe’ a ses custages un an apres le<br />

iour du mariage’ (MS BL Harley Charter 45. F. 11, lines 18–23 (unprinted so far as<br />

Iknow)).

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