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Indissolubility 83<br />
of course fit the same trend, but there is no clear-cut direction:<br />
not long afterwards we find Charles the Bald making his son Louis<br />
the Stammerer divorce his wife Ansgard and marry a Burgundian<br />
noblewoman named Adelaide. As we shall see, royal marriages<br />
continued to be very breakable after the Carolingian era.<br />
The secular and church legislation also sent mixed signals. It<br />
may or may not seem paradoxical that Charlemagne legislated in<br />
favour of indissolubility. Under his successor, in 829, a council<br />
at Paris said that for a cuckolded husband to remarry was another<br />
adultery. On the other hand, the council of Compi›egne in 757<br />
permitted divorce in the modern sense of allowing remarriage.<br />
It is the same story with the penitentials. The Jesuit scholar Joyce<br />
even thought that a penitential tradition deriving from Theodore,<br />
the Greek archbishop of Canterbury, was responsible for a growing<br />
tolerance for divorce. Joyce was an impressive historian but<br />
almost certainly wrong on this point: he surely underestimated the<br />
prevalence of divorce with remarriage before Theodore. But still,<br />
a very soft line on indissolubility is characteristic of penitentials<br />
from around 700. On the other hand, some late penitentials were<br />
more supportive of indissolubility.<br />
Mixed signals came even from Rome. On the one hand, two<br />
mid-eighth-century popes were strongly for indissolubility. A letter<br />
of Pope Zachary to Pippin took a hard line. His successor<br />
Nelson, Charles the Bald, 232; Sta·ord, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, 75.<br />
Bishops gathered by Charlemagne at Friuli ruled that adultery did not end a<br />
marriage, and ‘This legislation was later incorporated into the Capitulary to the<br />
Missi in 802 extending it to the whole empire’ (McNamara and Wemple, ‘Marriage<br />
and Divorce in the Frankish Kingdom’, 104). The Admonitio Generalis of 789<br />
contained an indissolubility canon deriving from the Dionysio-Hadriana canonlaw<br />
collection which had been sent by the pope in 774: Fahrner, Geschichte des<br />
Unaufl•oslichkeitsprinzips und der vollkommenen Scheidung der Ehe, 82.<br />
McNamara and Wemple, ‘Marriage and Divorce in the Frankish Kingdom’,<br />
105.<br />
Ibid. 103; J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983), 171;<br />
Sta·ord, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers, 80. See also Fahrner, Geschichte des<br />
Unaufl•oslichkeitsprinzips und der vollkommenen Scheidung der Ehe, 75–7.<br />
G. H. Joyce, Christian Marriage: An Historical and Doctrinal Study (London<br />
etc., 1933), 337–41.<br />
Gaudemet, Le Mariage en Occident, 132; P. Daudet, ‹Etudes sur l’histoire de<br />
la juridiction matrimoniale: les origines carolingiennes de la comp‹etence exclusive de<br />
l’ ‹Eglise — France et Germanie (Paris, 1933), 62–4.<br />
Gaudemet, Le mariage en Occident, 132; Daudet, ‹Etudes sur l’histoire de la<br />
juridiction matrimoniale, 64.<br />
Gaudemet, Le Mariage en Occident, 120 (note the error of ixE for viiiE); McNa-