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Mass Communication 37<br />
tably few from the twelfth century. The homily on the marriage<br />
feast of Cana Gospel reading by Bruno of Segni (d. 1123) does<br />
not contain a great deal of marriage symbolism, but concentrates<br />
mainly on the symbolism of the water jars that figure in the Cana<br />
reading.<br />
To recapitulate: in the early medieval centuries and up until<br />
c.1200, there was no mass communication of marriage symbolism,<br />
or at least, no significant evidence of anything like that has come to<br />
light so far. With the thirteenth century everything changes, even<br />
before mendicant preachers made their mark.<br />
(c) Mass Communication in the Age of the Friars<br />
Model sermons and oral preaching<br />
Any given model sermon could be preached ‘live’ again and again<br />
to di·erent audiences, so that the model sermons written on parchment<br />
are the tip of an ‘oral’ iceberg: this is one half of the proposition<br />
that preaching was a form of mass communication, the less controversial<br />
half. The more controversial half is that surviving sermon<br />
manuscripts are the tip of an iceberg of lost codices and quires.<br />
This chapter is in a sense a remote sequel to a 1985 study which<br />
tried among other things to show how model sermons worked.<br />
Synthesizing and reinforcing a scholarly consensus, it argued that<br />
The audience and ‘setting in life’ of Bruno’s homilies have been cautiously<br />
characterized by his historian: ‘Les morceaux qui ne se trouvent pas dans les commentaires<br />
sont de la main de Bruno, semble-t-il. Cet ensemble o·re donc un certain<br />
int‹er^et: il prouve qu’un commentaire ex‹eg‹etique ‹etait jug‹e apte›a une utilisation<br />
pastorale, bien qu’il soit tr›es probable que cet hom‹eliaire de Bruno n’‹etait pas destin‹e<br />
›a une c‹el‹ebration liturgique, mais plut^ot ›a une lecture publique ou priv‹ee’ (R.<br />
Gr‹egoire, Bruno de Segni, ex‹eg›ete m‹edi‹evale et th‹eologien monastique (Centro Italiano<br />
di Studi sull’alto medioevo, 3; Spoleto, 1965), 87; and de Reu, La Parole, 228).<br />
‘S. Brunonis Episcopi Signiensis Homilia xviii, Dominica II post Epiphaniam’,<br />
in Migne, PL 165. 767 and 461–6.<br />
D. L. d’Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons Di·used from Paris before<br />
1300 (Oxford, 1985), chs. 2 and 3, and passim.<br />
A particularly important influence on the field in general was L.-J. Bataillon,<br />
‘Approaches to the Study of Medieval Sermons’, Leeds Studies in English, ns 11<br />
(1980), 19–35, repr. in id., La Pr‹edication au XIIIe si›ecle en France et Italie: ‹etudes et<br />
documents (Aldershot, 1993), no. i (most of the other articles in the same collection<br />
of reprints are relevant in one way or another). See now N. B‹eriou, ‘Les sermons<br />
latins apr›es 1200’, in B. M. Kienzle (ed.), The Sermon (Typologie des sources du<br />
Moyen ^Age Occidental, 81–3; Turnhout, 2000), 363–447, esp. 405–9. The same<br />
author’s magisterial L’Av›enement des ma^§tres de la Parole: la pr‹edication ›a Paris au<br />
XIIIe si›ecle (2 vols.; Collection des ‹Etudes Augustiniennes, S‹erie Moyen ^Age et