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Mass Communication 21<br />

after Epiphany (mostly sermons on the text Nuptiae factae sunt,<br />

John 2: 1) that would be the principal vehicle for marriage preaching<br />

in future centuries. Marriage is good. Christ’s presence at a<br />

wedding refutes heretics who condemn marriage. (He mentions<br />

Tatian and Marcion: later preachers would have the Cathars in<br />

mind.) Genesis proves that God created man male and female,<br />

and said that for the love of her husband a woman should leave<br />

father and mother and be one flesh with her husband. In Matthew<br />

Christ told the apostles that a husband must not leave his wife.<br />

Teachings of St Paul take their turn: husband and wife must pay<br />

the marriage ‘debt’ (make love at the other’s request). Husbands<br />

should love their wives as Christ loved his Church. In fact Haymo<br />

makes a good florilegium of biblical texts which are positive about<br />

marriage—ordinary human marriage. Then he goes on to the marriage<br />

of Christ and the Church, again presented through scriptural<br />

authorities. This combination of literal and spiritual (i.e. symbolic)<br />

marriage within the same framework is characteristic of the later<br />

‘Marriage feast of Cana’ genre of sermons on the second Sunday<br />

after Epiphany. (From here on this genre will also be called the<br />

Nuptiae factae sunt genre, the Latin for the first words of the reading<br />

‘There was a marriage . . .’.) The question remains, did this<br />

kind of marriage symbolism get through to the laity via popular<br />

preaching in the early Middle Ages? It is a hard question to answer.<br />

That will be apparent from the oscillations in the presentation of<br />

the data below. On balance, however, and in the current state of the<br />

evidence, it looks as though marriage symbolism in sermons could<br />

not have had a major impact on the laity before the thirteenth century.<br />

The debate about early medieval popular preaching<br />

It is much disputed whether popular preaching happened at all<br />

in this period (defined roughly as from the late sixth to the late<br />

twelfth century). A relatively recent article argues for a minimalist<br />

position: hardly any preaching. That rather extreme position<br />

seems hard to maintain in the light of work by Thomas Amos,<br />

who seems to have shown that there was a good deal of popu-<br />

bolism and Medieval Religious Thought’, in P. Linehan and J. L. Nelson (eds.), The<br />

Medieval World (London etc., 2003), 267–78 at 268–9.<br />

R. E. McLaughlin, ‘The Word Eclipsed: Preaching in the Early Middle Ages’,<br />

Traditio, 46 (1991), 77–122.

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