Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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(59) a. òkù-làwùs-a inf-run.i.caus-fv ‘to chase [= to make run]’ b. òkù-làwùk-ìs-à inf-run-is.caus-fv ‘to run hard, to run a lot’ The two causatives may also be used together with the same root: the consonant-mutating -i- extension precedes (and sometimes also follows) -is-, as in (60). (60) a. òkù-hùpùz-ìs-à inf-remember.i.caus-is.caus-fv ‘to think about a lot’ (-hupula ‘remember, think about’) b. òkù-yènz-ìs-y-à (-yenda ‘walk’) inf-walk.i.caus-is.caus-i.caus-fv ‘to make walk a lot’ (ZT2009Elic113) Reciprocal: -an- The reciprocal extension -an- (PB *-an-) contributes the meaning ‘X each other’. It alternates, and even co-occurs with the reflexive object marker -li-, as illustrated in (61). (61) a. tùlàsàkànà tù-là-sàk-àn-à 1pl-noncmpl-like-recip-fv ‘we like each other’ b. tùlálìsàkà tù-lá-lì-sàk-à 1pl-noncmpl-refl-like-fv ‘we like each other’ c. tùlálìsàkànà tù-lá-lì-sàk-àn-à 1pl-noncmpl-refl-like-recip-fv ‘we like each other’ Intensive/Completive: reduplicated applicative (-ilil- etc.) A reduplicated applicative extension (-ilil-, etc.) indicates that an action is performed thoroughly and to completion, possibly precluding further action in that situation. Example (62c) shows that the completive meaning can also be distributed across a whole group. (62d) shows a slightly extended form with monosyllabic stems. 91
(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-sàmb-ìlìl-à inf-bathe-intens-fv ‘to bathe and become completely clean’ (ZT2006Elic89) b. ndékùtìlìlà nda-ikut-ilil-a 1sg.cmpl-get.full-intens-fv ‘I’m completely full’ (ZT2006Elic89) c. òkùnyàmùkìlìlà òkù-nyàmuk-ìlìl-à inf-set.off-intens-fv ‘to set off (e.g. everybody goes)’ (ZT2009Elic99.CN) d. òkwìlìlìlà oku-i-lilil-a inf-go-intens-fv ‘to go forever’ (ZT2006Elic89) Passive: -(i)w- The passive marker -w- or -iw- (*-U-/*-ibU- in PB) always occurs immediately before the final vowel, even “breaking into” other morphemes like -ite. In general, choice of -w- or -iw- seems to be a matter of speaker preference. At least some older speakers appear to prefer -iw- in many cases. Sometimes -w- is preferred for prosodic reasons, e.g. following -l and other extensions. (63) a. òkúkàmbìwà òkú-kàmb-ìw-à inf-lick-pass-fv ‘to be licked’ b. òkúwèswà òkú-sès-w-à inf-marry-pass-fv ‘to get married (said of a woman)’ 24 c. òkùwàmbìlwà òkù-wàmb-ìl-w-à inf-speak-appl-pass-fv ‘to be told’ 24 Note also that -sesa ‘to marry (said of a man)’ appears itself to be a causative form related to -sela ‘propose’), and possibly also to èchísèmò and -òmúsè ‘love’. 92
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Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
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Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and
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To Kelvin and Mboshela i
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and have continued in their support
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from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
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2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
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6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
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Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
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1.2 Theoretical background and moti
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Following this general direction, I
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The first major twentieth-century a
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To make the fuzzy theories more pre
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Multiple degrees of past/future ref
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1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
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1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
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In their framework, time-based tens
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. fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
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an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
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1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
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within the narrative, “set apart
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without affecting its temporal stru
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Fleisch (2000), and Seidel (2008) d
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. “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
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imperfective, progressive, habitual
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cluding activities, accomplishments
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Some examples of the major categori
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y the speaker’s perception of whe
Page 55 and 56: P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
Page 57 and 58: Figure 1.15: Representation without
Page 59 and 60: 1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
Page 61 and 62: Translations into Lozi were also pr
Page 63 and 64: 1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
Page 65 and 66: Chapter 5 describes two major marke
Page 67 and 68: (17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
Page 69 and 70: Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
Page 71 and 72: For more on the historical movement
Page 73 and 74: may be an overrepresentation, since
Page 75 and 76: 2. “Endangered languages”: a.
Page 77 and 78: officially recognized on a national
Page 79 and 80: (19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
Page 81 and 82: ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
Page 83 and 84: Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
Page 85 and 86: ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
Page 87 and 88: 2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
Page 89 and 90: 2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
Page 91 and 92: c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
Page 93 and 94: (32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
Page 95 and 96: Although data are not available for
Page 97 and 98: morphemes typically grammaticalize
Page 99 and 100: tive. Because the distal can co-occ
Page 101 and 102: Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
Page 103 and 104: c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
Page 105: òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
Page 109 and 110: (66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
Page 111 and 112: (72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
Page 113 and 114: c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
Page 115 and 116: c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
Page 117 and 118: Although all non-verb-final orderin
Page 119 and 120: (89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
Page 121 and 122: Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
Page 123 and 124: disappearance. In most cases, vowel
Page 125 and 126: 2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
Page 127 and 128: 2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
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Page 131 and 132: in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
Page 133 and 134: maintains the current discourse dom
Page 135 and 136: NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
Page 137 and 138: (109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
Page 139 and 140: . Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
Page 141 and 142: perception stative -suwa behaves li
Page 143 and 144: With activity verbs such as -yenda
Page 145 and 146: Totela data than other proposed sol
Page 147 and 148: Botne’s description of -ire, in i
Page 149 and 150: is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
Page 151 and 152: P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
Page 153 and 154: (137) a. [Context: the person descr
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ecause the consequences of the past
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(145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
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3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
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(152) Âwò, kàlì mùntù. Ii! N
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3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
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verbs, the pathways of development
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4. With a slight change in accent,
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Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
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These are discussed in section 4.4,
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. Non-stative predicate: Was macht
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all require a virtual, fictive read
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Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
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two-state situations, which are mad
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The choice of modal base and orderi
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adjacent syllable (to the right) is
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(189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
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(199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
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Because this chapter deals with the
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In summary, analysis of the “pres
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(212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
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The -la- marker is also compatible
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4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
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4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
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(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà
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equirement, situations can either o
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the [present] is used not so much b
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In many languages, including Totela
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otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
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are unmarked, as well as presents w
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the head of his murdered child, fra
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D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
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-la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
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(251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
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(253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
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Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
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groups. While no languages had zero
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. chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
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English, for example, future tense
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differences - both concrete and sub
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(270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
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c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
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. ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
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not on the day of perspective time.
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With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
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with negation. The lack of -a- mark
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. ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
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(303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
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would be similar, but the dissociat
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5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
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(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
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1. In narrator “commentary” abo
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[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
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proclitic is still extremely produc
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(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
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(321) Progressive uses a. ndìlìy
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-it-. . . -e. A handful of forms ar
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(331) chìnzí mwíndìtè? chinzi
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will be seen below, comparing the u
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Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
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. balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
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Thus, the distribution of -ite sugg
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ka- as in (353a), but not with preh
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A question raised by the characteri
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Such clashing interpretations arose
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poses that information structuring
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6.4.3 -ite’s relevance presupposi
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Another example is given in (364).
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(368) handilahupwile bamayo hanu ma
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. kámbè ndàkàyá ! kwáSàmís
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. [Context set 1: I am busy. I don
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6.6.1 -ite’s narrative distributi
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. Nabo basikuchela shombo nokubona
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immediate question under discussion
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(386) Durative root (only perfectiv
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(389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
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-ile variants for verbs that normal
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Resultative, especially with COS ve
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6.7.3.1 Tonga Tonga (M64) has an -i
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offer him food because he is full (
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Describes Describes past situation
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suffixes across Bantu, suggest that
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7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
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espectively. (409c) shows that -na-
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The intended meaning in (413) can b
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Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
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In short, according to Botne & Kers
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(426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
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. tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
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(440) yùmwí èná òkùlé nèñ
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7.3.4 “Perfect” meanings Totela
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. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete
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(459) ijilo liizite nandilayenda na
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Rather than presupposing that a sit
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This construction appears to treat
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(483) tàlí mwàyá kwàKàìwàl
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7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
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In general, counterfactual completi
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(504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
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(512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
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Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
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More likely Less likely to be infle
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Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
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8.2 Directions for future research
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——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
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——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
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Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
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Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
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Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
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Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
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Appendix A Definitions This appendi
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Information Structure (IS) (followi
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Time of Situation (TSit) the time f
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B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
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B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
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Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
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C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
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o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
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nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ +
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384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
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C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
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C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
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C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
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Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
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Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
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. bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
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406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
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Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
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