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Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-temporal Functions of Tense and Aspect Marking in Totela, a Bantu Language of Zambia c○ 2010 by Thera Marie Crane
Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-temporal Functions of Tense and Aspect Marking in Totela, a Bantu Language of Zambia by Thera Marie Crane Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Larry Hyman, Co-Chair Professor Lynn Nichols, Co-Chair This dissertation aims to characterize the relationship between the temporal and informationstructuring functions of tense and aspect marking in Totela, an endangered Bantu language of Zambia and Namibia. To that end, I investigate and describe in detail the semantics and pragmatics of selected tense and aspect markers, showing for each that a purely temporal description is inadequate to explain its range of interpretations and uses. Totela is a typical Bantu language in that it has a vast array of morphemes and constructions to express tense and aspect contrasts. A more explanatory and unified analysis of these forms emerges when not only their temporal semantics, but also their discourse-structuring functions are taken into account. Often, pragmatic functions appear to trump temporal specifications. Privileged distinctions in Totela include (non-)completion of a situation’s nucleus (i.e. the termination of an action or state, or point of transition to a result state for inchoative eventualities) (cf. Kershner 2002), cognitive and temporal dissociation (cf. Botne & Kershner 2008), and relevance (cf. Portner 2003). I argue that these categories, rather than traditional notions such as past vs. present tense, or imperfective vs. perfective aspect, are basic in Totela’s tense and aspect system. Investigations of the above-mentioned categories also reveal strong discourse-structuring functions for each. For example, markers of nuclear completion occur predictably at episode boundaries in narrative. Markers associated with non-completion, in contrast, occur when the narrative structure is interrupted (e.g. by a song) at a point that is not an episode boundary. Non-completive forms also serve to shift between narrative-internal and narrativeexternal perspectives. Findings regarding the use of tense and aspect markers to structure narrative are confirmed by quantitative analysis using logistic regression. Of particular theoretical interest is the -ite suffix, which shows evidence of being primarily a marker indicating relevance to answering the question under discussion in the current 1
Page 1: Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
Page 5 and 6: To Kelvin and Mboshela i
Page 7 and 8: and have continued in their support
Page 9 and 10: from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
Page 11 and 12: 2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
Page 13 and 14: 6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
Page 15 and 16: Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
Page 17 and 18: 1.2 Theoretical background and moti
Page 19 and 20: Following this general direction, I
Page 21 and 22: The first major twentieth-century a
Page 23 and 24: To make the fuzzy theories more pre
Page 25 and 26: Multiple degrees of past/future ref
Page 27 and 28: 1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
Page 29 and 30: 1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
Page 31 and 32: In their framework, time-based tens
Page 33 and 34: . fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
Page 35 and 36: an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
Page 37 and 38: 1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
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Page 45 and 46: . “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
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Page 51 and 52: Some examples of the major categori
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y the speaker’s perception of whe
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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Figure 1.15: Representation without
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1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
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Translations into Lozi were also pr
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1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
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Chapter 5 describes two major marke
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(17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
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Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
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For more on the historical movement
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may be an overrepresentation, since
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2. “Endangered languages”: a.
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officially recognized on a national
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(19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
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2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
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c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
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(32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
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Although data are not available for
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morphemes typically grammaticalize
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tive. Because the distal can co-occ
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Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
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c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
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òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
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(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-s
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(66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
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(72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
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c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
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c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
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Although all non-verb-final orderin
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(89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
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Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
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disappearance. In most cases, vowel
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2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
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2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
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e studied to evaluate claims about
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in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
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maintains the current discourse dom
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NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
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(109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
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. Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
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perception stative -suwa behaves li
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With activity verbs such as -yenda
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Totela data than other proposed sol
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Botne’s description of -ire, in i
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is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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(137) a. [Context: the person descr
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a “path of least effort” in whi
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ecause the consequences of the past
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(145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
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3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
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(152) Âwò, kàlì mùntù. Ii! N
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3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
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verbs, the pathways of development
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4. With a slight change in accent,
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Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
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These are discussed in section 4.4,
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. Non-stative predicate: Was macht
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all require a virtual, fictive read
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Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
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two-state situations, which are mad
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The choice of modal base and orderi
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adjacent syllable (to the right) is
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(189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
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(199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
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Because this chapter deals with the
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In summary, analysis of the “pres
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(212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
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The -la- marker is also compatible
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4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
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4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
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(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà
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equirement, situations can either o
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the [present] is used not so much b
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In many languages, including Totela
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otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
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are unmarked, as well as presents w
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the head of his murdered child, fra
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D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
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-la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
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(251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
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(253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
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Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
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groups. While no languages had zero
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. chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
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English, for example, future tense
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differences - both concrete and sub
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(270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
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c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
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. ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
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not on the day of perspective time.
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With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
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with negation. The lack of -a- mark
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. ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
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(303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
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would be similar, but the dissociat
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5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
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(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
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1. In narrator “commentary” abo
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[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
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proclitic is still extremely produc
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(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
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(321) Progressive uses a. ndìlìy
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-it-. . . -e. A handful of forms ar
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(331) chìnzí mwíndìtè? chinzi
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will be seen below, comparing the u
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Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
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. balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
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Thus, the distribution of -ite sugg
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ka- as in (353a), but not with preh
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A question raised by the characteri
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Such clashing interpretations arose
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poses that information structuring
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6.4.3 -ite’s relevance presupposi
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Another example is given in (364).
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(368) handilahupwile bamayo hanu ma
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. kámbè ndàkàyá ! kwáSàmís
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. [Context set 1: I am busy. I don
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6.6.1 -ite’s narrative distributi
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. Nabo basikuchela shombo nokubona
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immediate question under discussion
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(386) Durative root (only perfectiv
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(389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
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-ile variants for verbs that normal
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Resultative, especially with COS ve
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6.7.3.1 Tonga Tonga (M64) has an -i
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offer him food because he is full (
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Describes Describes past situation
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suffixes across Bantu, suggest that
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7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
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espectively. (409c) shows that -na-
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The intended meaning in (413) can b
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Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
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In short, according to Botne & Kers
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(426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
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. tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
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(440) yùmwí èná òkùlé nèñ
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7.3.4 “Perfect” meanings Totela
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. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete
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(459) ijilo liizite nandilayenda na
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Rather than presupposing that a sit
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This construction appears to treat
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(483) tàlí mwàyá kwàKàìwàl
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7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
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In general, counterfactual completi
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(504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
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(512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
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Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
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More likely Less likely to be infle
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Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
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8.2 Directions for future research
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——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
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——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
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Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
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Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
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Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
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Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
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Appendix A Definitions This appendi
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Information Structure (IS) (followi
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Time of Situation (TSit) the time f
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B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
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B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
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Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
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C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
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o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
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nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ +
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384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
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C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
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C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
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C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
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Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
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Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
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. bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
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406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
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Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
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