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Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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3.2.2.5 Summary and analysis <strong>of</strong> -a-’s interactions with situation type<br />

Table 3.5 summarizes the possible temporal interpretations <strong>of</strong> completive -a- with various<br />

situation types.<br />

Situation Possible<br />

Type Interpretations<br />

Durative Past<br />

Change-<strong>of</strong>-State<br />

Past<br />

Present State<br />

Perception Stative<br />

Past<br />

Present State<br />

Other Stative Past<br />

Table 3.5: Summary <strong>of</strong> temporal interpretations with completive -a-<br />

In the case <strong>of</strong> change-<strong>of</strong>-state verbs, and other verbs implying resultant states, it can be<br />

seen that the -a- form references a time after the change into a resultant state has taken<br />

place. Whether the time referenced is located within the resultant state is not encoded in<br />

-a-, but rather is determined pragmatically. With change-<strong>of</strong>-state verbs, the implicature<br />

<strong>of</strong> continued resultant state is particularly salient. This implicature is easy to derive from<br />

general conversational principles <strong>of</strong> relevance. Use <strong>of</strong> a verb describing entry into a state,<br />

in general, is most relevant if the state holds at perspective time. For example, a verb<br />

like -taba ‘become happy’, requires no direct reference the situation resulting in happiness,<br />

although the context may provide such information. Thus, when uttering ndataba without<br />

much other context, a speaker is less likely to be referring to the rather ethereal process <strong>of</strong><br />

obtaining happiness than to the ensuing happy state. 5 However, in examples such as (111)<br />

above, repeated here as (117), the situation resulting in the entered emotional state (here,<br />

a story <strong>of</strong> cows trampling cassava plants) is the main discourse topic, and the present-state<br />

implicature need not hold.<br />

(117) ndakomokwa sunu!<br />

nda-komok-w-a<br />

sunu!<br />

1sg.cmpl-surprise-pass-fv today<br />

‘I got surprised today!’ (ZT2007Narr27.VK)<br />

With result-state predicates denoting activity, such as -saama ‘get dressed’, the implicature<br />

is somewhat less strong, because – as with the surprising event in (117) – the situation<br />

leading up to a resultant state, e.g. the process <strong>of</strong> dressing, has clear content that may be<br />

referred to.<br />

5 Compare context-free ‘I became happy’ or even ‘I was happy’ with ‘I am happy’ for naturalness.<br />

127

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