Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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Present stative and progressive, future, and generic readings with -la- are diagrammed in (231). Present and future readings are as with perception statives. Habitual and gnomic readings (also possible with perception statives) depict an uncompleted multiplicity of situations. Crucially, perspective time is located before completion of the (final) nucleus in all three cases. (231) ndì-là-sàmb-à 1sg-noncmpl-bathe-fv a. ‘I am bathing’ b. ‘I will bathe’ c. ‘I bathe’ (habitual) 4.3.6.4 Change-of-state verbs With change-of-state verbs, in contrast, a result state follows the situation nucleus. -lacannot locate perspective time within the result state, but only in the phase before nuclear completion. This contrasts with completive -a-, as shown in (232), where the completive form with change-of-state verb -taba ‘become happy’ has a present state reading with a- (232a), while change-of-state verb -ikuta ‘become full’ has a future reading with -la- (232b). 187
(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà aba ba-yimb-a ba-tab-a cl2.dem cl2-sing-fv.rc cl2.cmpl-become.happy-fv ‘those who are singing are happy’ (ZT2009Elic147) b. àbá bàlyâ bàlékùtà aba ba-li-a ba-la-ikut-a cl2.dem cl2-eat-fv.rc cl2-noncmpl-become.full-fv ‘those who are eating will be full’ (ZT2009Elic147) Examples (233) and (234) give graphical depictions of the location of perspective time with respect to the situation nucleus in change-of-state verbs with -la-. In (233), the soaking is underway, but has not yet reached completion (a “soaked” state). (233) omwanja ulabomba omwanja u-la-bomb-a cl3.cassava cl3-noncmpl-get.wet-fv ‘the cassava is soaking’ (not ‘the cassava is soaked’) (ZT2007Elic89) Recall also example (167b), repeated as (234): (234) ndìlàkòmòkwà ndi-la-komok-w-a 1sg-noncmpl-surprise-pass-fv ‘I’ll be surprised’ 188
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Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
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Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and
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To Kelvin and Mboshela i
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and have continued in their support
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from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
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2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
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6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
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Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
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1.2 Theoretical background and moti
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Following this general direction, I
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The first major twentieth-century a
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To make the fuzzy theories more pre
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Multiple degrees of past/future ref
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1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
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1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
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In their framework, time-based tens
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. fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
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an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
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1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
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within the narrative, “set apart
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without affecting its temporal stru
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Fleisch (2000), and Seidel (2008) d
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. “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
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imperfective, progressive, habitual
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cluding activities, accomplishments
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Some examples of the major categori
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y the speaker’s perception of whe
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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Figure 1.15: Representation without
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1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
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Translations into Lozi were also pr
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1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
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Chapter 5 describes two major marke
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(17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
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Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
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For more on the historical movement
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may be an overrepresentation, since
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2. “Endangered languages”: a.
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officially recognized on a national
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(19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
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2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
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c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
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(32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
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Although data are not available for
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morphemes typically grammaticalize
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tive. Because the distal can co-occ
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Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
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c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
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òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
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(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-s
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(66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
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(72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
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c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
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c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
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Although all non-verb-final orderin
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(89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
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Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
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disappearance. In most cases, vowel
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2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
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2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
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e studied to evaluate claims about
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in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
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maintains the current discourse dom
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NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
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(109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
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. Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
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perception stative -suwa behaves li
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With activity verbs such as -yenda
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Totela data than other proposed sol
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Botne’s description of -ire, in i
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is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
Page 151 and 152: P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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Page 155 and 156: a “path of least effort” in whi
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Page 159 and 160: (145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
Page 161 and 162: 3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
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Page 165 and 166: 3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
Page 167 and 168: verbs, the pathways of development
Page 169 and 170: 4. With a slight change in accent,
Page 171 and 172: Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
Page 173 and 174: These are discussed in section 4.4,
Page 175 and 176: . Non-stative predicate: Was macht
Page 177 and 178: all require a virtual, fictive read
Page 179 and 180: Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
Page 181 and 182: two-state situations, which are mad
Page 183 and 184: The choice of modal base and orderi
Page 185 and 186: adjacent syllable (to the right) is
Page 187 and 188: (189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
Page 189 and 190: (199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
Page 191 and 192: Because this chapter deals with the
Page 193 and 194: In summary, analysis of the “pres
Page 195 and 196: (212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
Page 197 and 198: The -la- marker is also compatible
Page 199 and 200: 4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
Page 201: 4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
Page 205 and 206: equirement, situations can either o
Page 207 and 208: the [present] is used not so much b
Page 209 and 210: In many languages, including Totela
Page 211 and 212: otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
Page 213 and 214: are unmarked, as well as presents w
Page 215 and 216: the head of his murdered child, fra
Page 217 and 218: D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
Page 219 and 220: -la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
Page 221 and 222: (251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
Page 223 and 224: (253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
Page 225 and 226: Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
Page 227 and 228: groups. While no languages had zero
Page 229 and 230: . chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
Page 231 and 232: English, for example, future tense
Page 233 and 234: differences - both concrete and sub
Page 235 and 236: (270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
Page 237 and 238: c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
Page 239 and 240: . ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
Page 241 and 242: not on the day of perspective time.
Page 243 and 244: With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
Page 245 and 246: with negation. The lack of -a- mark
Page 247 and 248: . ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
Page 249 and 250: (303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
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5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
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(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
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1. In narrator “commentary” abo
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[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
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proclitic is still extremely produc
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(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
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(321) Progressive uses a. ndìlìy
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-it-. . . -e. A handful of forms ar
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(331) chìnzí mwíndìtè? chinzi
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will be seen below, comparing the u
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Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
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. balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
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Thus, the distribution of -ite sugg
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ka- as in (353a), but not with preh
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A question raised by the characteri
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Such clashing interpretations arose
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poses that information structuring
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6.4.3 -ite’s relevance presupposi
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Another example is given in (364).
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(368) handilahupwile bamayo hanu ma
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. kámbè ndàkàyá ! kwáSàmís
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. [Context set 1: I am busy. I don
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6.6.1 -ite’s narrative distributi
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. Nabo basikuchela shombo nokubona
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immediate question under discussion
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(386) Durative root (only perfectiv
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(389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
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-ile variants for verbs that normal
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Resultative, especially with COS ve
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6.7.3.1 Tonga Tonga (M64) has an -i
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offer him food because he is full (
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Describes Describes past situation
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suffixes across Bantu, suggest that
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7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
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espectively. (409c) shows that -na-
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The intended meaning in (413) can b
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Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
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In short, according to Botne & Kers
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(426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
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. tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
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(440) yùmwí èná òkùlé nèñ
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7.3.4 “Perfect” meanings Totela
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. ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete
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(459) ijilo liizite nandilayenda na
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Rather than presupposing that a sit
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This construction appears to treat
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(483) tàlí mwàyá kwàKàìwàl
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7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
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In general, counterfactual completi
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(504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
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(512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
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Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
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More likely Less likely to be infle
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Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
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8.2 Directions for future research
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——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
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——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
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Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
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Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
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Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
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Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
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Appendix A Definitions This appendi
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Information Structure (IS) (followi
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Time of Situation (TSit) the time f
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B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
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B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
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Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
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C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
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o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
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nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
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C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ +
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384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
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C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
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C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
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Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
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C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
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Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
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Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
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. bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
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406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
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Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
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