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Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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for interpretation <strong>of</strong> -ite. In fact, the requirement that a state be associated with -ite is<br />

unbreakable, as shown by the contrast in (352). The -ite form is only felicitous with -wa<br />

‘fall’ if uttered while the subject is still on the ground (352a). A speaker uttering (352b),<br />

in contrast, may or may not still find herself in the coda phase resulting from the fall (i.e.<br />

being on the ground).<br />

(352) a. tuliwiile<br />

tu-li-u-iile<br />

1pl-pres.stat-fall-stat<br />

‘We have fallen (and are still on the ground)’ (ZT2007Elic123.VK)<br />

b. ndawa<br />

nda-u-a<br />

1sg.cmpl-fall-fv<br />

‘I fell (and possibly got up again)’<br />

Thus, -ite requires that a state hold, while completive -a- has no such requirement and<br />

is instead vague with regard to the coda state. 7<br />

6.3.3 Co-occurrence restrictions with -ite<br />

A final piece <strong>of</strong> evidence for -ite’s stativity is that it cannot co-occur with completive marker<br />

-a- or non-completive -la-, as discussed in 6.2. These markers are basically punctual, situating<br />

perspective time at a point with respect to a situation’s nucleus. -ite, on the other<br />

hand, requires a non-punctual state. Thus, -ite may co-occur with prehodiernal imperfective<br />

7 Recall from chapter 3, however, that -a- with change-<strong>of</strong>-state verbs has a cancellable result state impli-<br />

cature.<br />

263

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