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Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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In short, according to Botne & Kershner, aspect situates perspective time (“the vantage<br />

point determined by Ego”) within a phase selected from the verb’s inherent situation type<br />

structure.<br />

By this definition, -a- and -la-/-Ø- partly qualify as aspectual, because they situate perspective<br />

time with respect to a situation’s nucleus, specifically, nuclear completion. On the<br />

other hand, they do not necessarily select a temporal phase as a “focal frame”. Perspective<br />

time is for all intents and purposes punctual, as is nuclear completion itself. Prehodiernal<br />

-ka- and posthodiernal na- do not have any aspect-like characteristics; they are tenses,<br />

because they invoke dissociated temporal domains. In 7.2.1, -na- was analyzed as a past<br />

marker, although in the affirmative it does seem to have some aspectual function, as well:<br />

in opposition to completive -a-, it situates perspective time with respect to the “contentful”<br />

phase <strong>of</strong> a situation’s event structure.<br />

In this section, I take a working definition <strong>of</strong> aspect similar to that <strong>of</strong> Klein (1994) and<br />

Botne & Kershner (2008), in which aspect selects a phase, or topic time, from the situation’s<br />

event structure. Further perspective times and situations may be introduced within this<br />

phase, e.g. ‘while I was scrubbing the sticky glass, the tea kettle whistled’. I have argued in<br />

previous chapters that Totela does not have clear cases <strong>of</strong> perfective marking. In contrast,<br />

some markers and constructions do have imperfective and other aspectual functions. In<br />

this section, I discuss markers which have clear aspectual functions, such as prehodiernal<br />

imperfective ka-, as well as forms and constructions that fulfill functions <strong>of</strong>ten considered by<br />

the literature to be examples <strong>of</strong> aspect. As a result, this section sometimes takes a form-t<strong>of</strong>unction<br />

approach (describing the usage domains and interpretive possibilities <strong>of</strong> forms that<br />

seem to have some aspectual function) and sometimes function-to-form (indicating some <strong>of</strong><br />

the forms and constructions used to express particular meanings). I mix approaches in this<br />

way for the sake <strong>of</strong> completeness; it does not reflect a theoretical stance.<br />

7.3.1 Prehodiernal imperfective ka-<br />

The ka- imperfective marker is prefixed to the subject marker, 4 along with a special tone<br />

pattern surfacing as a penultimate H, <strong>of</strong>ten with plateauing (see appendix C). It is distinguished<br />

from prehodiernal -ka-, which co-occurs with completive -a- in the affirmative, in its<br />

tone pattern and pre-SM position. It surfaces with H tone in negated (424) and subordinate<br />

(423) clauses.<br />

(422) kàtùhúpúlà (or kàtùhùpúlà)<br />

kà-tù-húpúl-à<br />

prehod.ipfv-2pl-think-fv<br />

‘we used to think’ (ZT2009Elic58)<br />

4 Larry Hyman (p.c.) speculates that this form, like many in Bantu, may have grammaticalized from an<br />

earlier periphrastic form, e.g. ‘I was’ + ‘I walk’. The pre-SM position speaks for such an origin, as new<br />

material tends to grammaticalize at the edges <strong>of</strong> words.<br />

312

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