Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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Pragmatic meaning the non truth-conditional (i.e. non-semantic) meaning of an utterance 2 Predicate used here to refer to the part of an utterance that describes the situation relevant for determining situation type, e.g. ‘build a house’ in ‘Michael built a house’ (vs. ‘build’ in ‘Michael built’). Smith (1997) refers to verb constellations comprising the verb and its arguments. 3 The important distinction here is that situation type varies according to verbal arguments, and not just to the lexical verb alone Prehodiernal contrasts with hodiernal to indicate Topic Times fully completed prior to the day of utterance Relevance (following Roberts 1998): An utterance is relevant if it provides a complete or partial answer to the salient question in the current discourse (i.e., the immediate question under discussion), thereby reducing the context set Resultative an aspect that selects a state resulting from a situation Semantic meaning the truth-conditional meaning of an utterance Situation a neutral term used to describe any eventuality, whether event (action, happening) or state Situation Type a categorization of situations (or more accurately, the predicates used to describe situations) according to their structural properties (e.g. whether there is an inherent completion point), which affect how they interact with various forms of grammatical aspect. The most common set of distinctions is that set out by Vendler (1957) and refined by Smith (1997): state, activity, accomplishment, achievement, and semelfactive. These categories, however, have been found to be less predictive of aspectual interpretation in Bantu; more applicable is a general distinction between durative and change-of-state situations (Kershner 2002; Seidel 2008) Other common terms for situation type in the literature: Aktionsart, situation aspect, lexical aspect. Tenor (following Botne & Kershner 2008): a temporal distinction within the cognitive P-domain (tense disinguishes between domains) Tense (following Botne & Kershner 2008): the deictic temporal relationship between the speech time and the cognitive domain involved in the event’s depiction (also referred to is a temporal definition (following Klein 1994): the relationship between topic time (the time being referred to in the utterance) and the time of utterance (for non-relative tenses)) 2 The question of explicature, where pragmatics might be said to “intrude” on semantic meaning, is also important, but does not significantly affect the analyses put forth in this study. 3 The subject of a sentence may also be relevant for situation type, as, for example, in pluractional contexts with many actors performing the same action; such distinctions are not made in this dissertation, however. 363
Time of Situation (TSit) the time for which the situation described in at utterance can be said to hold; roughly corresponds to event point (E) in Reichenbach (1947) Time of Utterance (TU) (following Klein 1994): the time at which the utterance is made; roughly corresponds to speech point (S) in Reichenbach (1947) Topic Time (TT) (following Klein 1994): the time span referred to in an utterance; roughly corresponds to reference point (R) in Reichenbach (1947) 364
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Beyond Time: Temporal and Extra-tem
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Abstract Beyond Time: Temporal and
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To Kelvin and Mboshela i
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and have continued in their support
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from Veritas Graduate Student Fello
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2.2.3 Comparison with Proto-BB . .
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6.5 Summary of analysis of -ite as
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Glosses Used Gloss Meaning 1 First
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1.2 Theoretical background and moti
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Following this general direction, I
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The first major twentieth-century a
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To make the fuzzy theories more pre
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Multiple degrees of past/future ref
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1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal
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1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning fo
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In their framework, time-based tens
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. fortalééza y-a-cek-íw-a n’aa
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an in-depth diachronic study of Tot
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1.2.3) may develop at any stage. Th
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within the narrative, “set apart
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without affecting its temporal stru
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Fleisch (2000), and Seidel (2008) d
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. “Indicate episode ends” (Seid
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imperfective, progressive, habitual
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cluding activities, accomplishments
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Some examples of the major categori
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y the speaker’s perception of whe
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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Figure 1.15: Representation without
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1.3.8 Other conventions Following C
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Translations into Lozi were also pr
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1.4.3 Limitations Although I carrie
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Chapter 5 describes two major marke
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(17) Innovations common to Bantu Bo
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Totela data in de Luna (2008, 2010)
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For more on the historical movement
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may be an overrepresentation, since
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2. “Endangered languages”: a.
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officially recognized on a national
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(19) Observed NT dialect continuum:
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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Ã Only occurs in NC sequences (see
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ilabial labio- dent. alveolar post-
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2.2.4.1 Vowel length As noted above
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2.2.6 Proto-Bantu Correspondences T
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c. *t > s (before *u) *-túmÙ > ò
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(32) *j a. *j > ∅ *-jìtìd > òk
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Although data are not available for
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morphemes typically grammaticalize
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tive. Because the distal can co-occ
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Noun Subject Class Marker 1(a) -mu-
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c. Following u òkùwùlìlà òkù
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òkù-yèndà ‘to walk’ → òk
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(62) a. òkùsàmbìlìlà òkù-s
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(66) Iterative extensions òkùtyò
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(72) Tentive extension òkúkwààt
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c. Negatives with -saka ‘want, li
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c. As source Nòkùlòngàwô kús
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Although all non-verb-final orderin
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(89) abanakazi (aba) bena nabachech
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Sounds Examples PB ZT NT PB ZT NT G
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disappearance. In most cases, vowel
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2.4.2 NT and ZT: differences in TAM
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2.4.2.4 Negation FV NT ZT -a indica
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e studied to evaluate claims about
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in the prehodiernal past. Similarly
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maintains the current discourse dom
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NC Bare Cmpl 1/1a a- a- 2/2a ba- a-
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(109) a. Atelic durative: ndanenga
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. Past reading: ndákòmòkwà nda-
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perception stative -suwa behaves li
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With activity verbs such as -yenda
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Totela data than other proposed sol
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Botne’s description of -ire, in i
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is formal. As Dahl (1985:129) notes
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P-Domain: D-Domain: Association Dis
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(137) a. [Context: the person descr
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a “path of least effort” in whi
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ecause the consequences of the past
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(145) Sunu, twabuuka! Twabuuka ndet
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3.3.2 -a- with motion verbs in narr
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(152) Âwò, kàlì mùntù. Ii! N
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3.3.5 -a- in narrative: summary The
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verbs, the pathways of development
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4. With a slight change in accent,
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Chapter 4 Semantics and Pragmatics
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These are discussed in section 4.4,
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. Non-stative predicate: Was macht
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all require a virtual, fictive read
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Others (e.g Bybee et al. 1994), in
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two-state situations, which are mad
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The choice of modal base and orderi
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adjacent syllable (to the right) is
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(189) ìjìlò ndìyá kùmpìlì i
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(199) chìyùnì (ndìsákà) chiyu
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Because this chapter deals with the
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In summary, analysis of the “pres
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(212) a. ndilabon-a ≈ ndilibwene
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The -la- marker is also compatible
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4.3.6 Interactions with situation t
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4.3.6.3 Duratives With durative (no
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(232) a. àbá bàyîmbà bàtàbà
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equirement, situations can either o
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the [present] is used not so much b
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In many languages, including Totela
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otherwise reveal. Non-completive fo
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are unmarked, as well as presents w
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the head of his murdered child, fra
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D.60 (e.g. Ha), and in some M langu
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-la- lost its disjunctive flavor an
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(251) tu-la-cita 1pl-pres-do ‘we
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(253) a. Durative verbs: a-Ø-fik-i
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Chapter 5 Past and Future: Dissocia
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groups. While no languages had zero
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. chìlìmò chàmánà chilimo cha
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English, for example, future tense
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differences - both concrete and sub
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(270) Prehodiernal -ka-: ndàkàsà
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c. ìjìlò chì-nzí ! ná-mù-li-
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. ìjìlò nándìlà yá kùmpìl
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not on the day of perspective time.
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With both na- and -ka-, the time sp
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with negation. The lack of -a- mark
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. ísè19 nándìsíkè nándìlè
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(303) Iñolo lyenu twakalibona ijil
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would be similar, but the dissociat
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5.4 Dissociativity in narrative Bot
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(310) âwo kàlì mú ! kwáámè n
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1. In narrator “commentary” abo
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[In the Guaymí case] the immediate
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proclitic is still extremely produc
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(319) hasina bawane amali. . . hasi
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(321) Progressive uses a. ndìlìy
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-it-. . . -e. A handful of forms ar
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(331) chìnzí mwíndìtè? chinzi
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will be seen below, comparing the u
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Kratzer (2000) for German stativize
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. balinunite ba-li-nun-ite 1sg-pres
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Thus, the distribution of -ite sugg
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ka- as in (353a), but not with preh
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A question raised by the characteri
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Such clashing interpretations arose
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poses that information structuring
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6.4.3 -ite’s relevance presupposi
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Another example is given in (364).
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(368) handilahupwile bamayo hanu ma
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. kámbè ndàkàyá ! kwáSàmís
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. [Context set 1: I am busy. I don
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6.6.1 -ite’s narrative distributi
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. Nabo basikuchela shombo nokubona
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immediate question under discussion
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(386) Durative root (only perfectiv
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(389) a. mbá-a-c-éte ‘they came
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-ile variants for verbs that normal
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Resultative, especially with COS ve
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6.7.3.1 Tonga Tonga (M64) has an -i
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offer him food because he is full (
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Describes Describes past situation
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suffixes across Bantu, suggest that
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7.2 Completion, Tense, and Tenor To
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espectively. (409c) shows that -na-
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The intended meaning in (413) can b
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Figure 7.2: Contentful phase of -sa
Page 327 and 328: In short, according to Botne & Kers
Page 329 and 330: (426) àwà kándìlàwúkà ndàk
Page 331 and 332: . tàkándìtwâ ta-ka-ndi-tu-a neg
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Page 335 and 336: 7.3.4 “Perfect” meanings Totela
Page 337 and 338: . ndìlìnèngètè ndi-li-neng-ete
Page 339 and 340: (459) ijilo liizite nandilayenda na
Page 341 and 342: Rather than presupposing that a sit
Page 343 and 344: This construction appears to treat
Page 345 and 346: (483) tàlí mwàyá kwàKàìwàl
Page 347 and 348: 7.4.3 Hortatives and subjunctives H
Page 349 and 350: In general, counterfactual completi
Page 351 and 352: (504) buti muponena twali kumisiya
Page 353 and 354: (512) Kùyá bùmínà àbántù. K
Page 355 and 356: Sometimes, when distal -ka- occurs
Page 357 and 358: More likely Less likely to be infle
Page 359 and 360: Chapter 8 Conclusion and future res
Page 361 and 362: 8.2 Directions for future research
Page 363 and 364: ——. 2007. Stem tone melodies in
Page 365 and 366: ——, 2010. High-tone anticipatio
Page 367 and 368: Glasbey, Sheila. 1998. Progressives
Page 369 and 370: Jacottet, Émile. 1896-1901. Étude
Page 371 and 372: Morris, Charles W. 1938. Foundation
Page 373 and 374: Shirai, Yasuhiro. 1998. Where the p
Page 375 and 376: Appendix A Definitions This appendi
Page 377: Information Structure (IS) (followi
Page 381 and 382: B.2 Consonant mutation: t ¿ s Alth
Page 383 and 384: B.5 -ile forms In Totela, only a fe
Page 385 and 386: Figure C.1: Downdrift in máyìwíy
Page 387 and 388: C.2.1 HTA within words HTA may be s
Page 389 and 390: o ku ba hu pu la H H H MR o ku ba h
Page 391 and 392: nánkala ‘crab’ echí-fuwa ‘b
Page 393 and 394: Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
Page 395 and 396: Syll Ø Root Pattern H Root Pattern
Page 397 and 398: C.33 Persistive -chi- ‘still’ +
Page 399 and 400: 384 Syll Ø Root Ø Root H Root H R
Page 401 and 402: C.7.2 Posited input H on second roo
Page 403 and 404: Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ta-ndi-nâ-lw
Page 407 and 408: C.7.3 Posited input H on final vowe
Page 409 and 410: Syll Ø Root H Root 1 ndi-chi-lwâ
Page 413 and 414: C.7.4 Other patterns Other patterns
Page 415 and 416: Appendix D Agreement forms Bantu la
Page 417 and 418: Figure D.1 indicates attested singu
Page 419 and 420: . bàchìkwàngálà bàlàùlùkà
Page 421 and 422: 406 NC Prefix SM OM Poss Poss Num A
Page 423: Clement Tubusenge, Tiyebulyo Jenika
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