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Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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1.2.3.3 Primary temporal meaning for tense and aspect, with pragmatic extension<br />

Fleischman acknowledges temporal determination as a basic (and the “primary”) function<br />

<strong>of</strong> tense marking, but notes that is also has “expressive” (social, attitudinal) and discourse<br />

pragmatic functions, and that in narrative contexts, “tense contrasts may be pressed into<br />

pragmatic service” as discourse organizers (Fleischman 1985:851). For example, in Old<br />

French texts, the Simple Past and the (Narrative) Present seem to alternate freely from<br />

sentence to sentence. Both are used to describe “temporally ordered, punctual, past events<br />

in the narrative foreground” (Fleischman 1985:870). However, closer investigation shows<br />

that when a Simple Past interrupts a series <strong>of</strong> sentences given in Narrative Present, there is<br />

also an interruption <strong>of</strong> the temporally sequential narrative flow to give or repeat background<br />

information. Thus, tenses in narrative serve grounding functions, marking information<br />

as foregrounded or backtrounded – i.e. more or less salient or unpredictable – within the<br />

narrative. Fleischman stresses that grounding contrasts do not involve a simple binary<br />

distinction between foreground and background, but operate on a “continuum” (Fleischman<br />

1985:851).<br />

Fleischman also notes the close connection between narrative grounding and expressive<br />

functions <strong>of</strong> tense and aspect, in which speakers convey their attitudes and beliefs. In particular,<br />

the expression <strong>of</strong> temporal distance is <strong>of</strong>ten metaphorically expanded to include “more<br />

abstract conceptual and cognitive” distances (Fleischman 1989:2). This occurs, Fleischman<br />

argues, because tenses that describe a time other than now have an inherent non-reality that<br />

naturally lends itself to other expressions <strong>of</strong> irrealis situations and attitudinal or epistemological<br />

distancing from the situation under discussion. For example, in both English (4) and<br />

Spanish (5), markers <strong>of</strong> temporal distance have politeness functions. These examples are<br />

ordered in increasing order <strong>of</strong> politeness. In both, the present version represents the most<br />

direct, least mitigated request.<br />

(4) a. Hello! I just want to ask you a question.<br />

b. Hello! I just wanted to ask you a question. (more polite)<br />

(5) (All sentences convey the speaker’s desire to speak with the addressee.)<br />

a. Quiero<br />

I.want<br />

b. Quería<br />

I.want<br />

c. Querría<br />

I.want<br />

hablar<br />

to.speak<br />

con<br />

with<br />

usted<br />

you(formal) (Present)<br />

hablar con usted<br />

to.speak with you(formal) (Imperfect)<br />

hablar con usted<br />

to.speak with you(formal) (Conditional/Future-<strong>of</strong>-Past)<br />

d. Quisiera hablar con usted<br />

I.want to.speak with you(formal) (Imperfect Subjunctive)(most polite)<br />

(adapted from Fleischman 1989:9)<br />

Fleischman (1989) gives many additional examples <strong>of</strong> expressions <strong>of</strong> temporal distance<br />

used to convey reality status and personal distance, arguing that expressions <strong>of</strong> temporal<br />

14

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