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Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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Appendix C<br />

Tone in Totela<br />

This appendix <strong>of</strong>fers preliminary findings from an ongoing study <strong>of</strong> Totela’s tone system,<br />

which is typologically unusual in its system <strong>of</strong> high-tone anticipation (HTA) (see Hyman<br />

2007b). It describes basic facts and tonal distributions, tonal processes such as high-tone<br />

anticipation and Meeussen’s Rule, downstep, and grammatical tone patterns on verbs. The<br />

question <strong>of</strong> downstep conditioning is particularly complex and is only treated briefly here.<br />

Unlike in the main body <strong>of</strong> this dissertation, only H tones are marked. Underlining<br />

indicates posited input H tones.<br />

C.1 Basic facts<br />

Totela has four surface (non-intonational) tones: H, ! H, L, HL (falling). H tones, apart from<br />

intonational H%, do not occur on utterance-final syllables. Several H tones may appear in<br />

a word, with downdrift – i.e. phonetic downstep, in which Hs in a series <strong>of</strong> Hs and Ls are<br />

produced progressively lower – evident. An example <strong>of</strong> downdrift may be seen in figure C.1,<br />

which shows a spectrogram and pitch trace for máyiwíye ‘bird (sp.)’, which has the surface<br />

tone pattern H-L-H-L.<br />

369

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