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Beyond Time - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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1.2.3 Approaches to extra-temporal functions <strong>of</strong> tense and aspect<br />

Characterizations <strong>of</strong> tense and aspect, even those that are primarily temporally based, frequently<br />

note the pragmatic, modal, and discourse-organization features fundamentally intertwined<br />

with tense and aspect. For example, Comrie (1985) analyzes the Bantu ‘still’<br />

(§7.3.5.3) and ‘not yet’ tenses as combinations <strong>of</strong> tense presuppositions (e.g. for ‘still’, the<br />

situation held in the past) and tense assertions (e.g. for ‘still’, the situation holds at present).<br />

Caudal & Roussarie (2002) comment that<br />

crosslinguistically speaking, it has been noted that strong connections exist between<br />

aspectual interpretation and evidentiality. . . – so-called constatives <strong>of</strong> inferentials<br />

are <strong>of</strong>ten perfect or resultative morphemes, while testimonials are <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

progressives. . . [V]iewpoints should be treated as speech-act devices because they<br />

express the speaker’s stance towards an eventuality he/she wants to refer to<br />

(Caudal & Roussarie 2002:1-2).<br />

Levinson (1983) describes tense, the deictic encoding <strong>of</strong> (topic) time with respect to the<br />

time <strong>of</strong> utterance, as having two senses: m-tense (metalinguistic tense) is the purely deictic,<br />

temporal relation <strong>of</strong> utterance time to other times, and is language independent and<br />

universal. 13 l-tenses (the tenses in a particular language) are a language’s mechanism for<br />

systematically marking time distinctions. While M-tense is “strictly temporal”, L-tenses<br />

“nearly always encode aspectual and modal features” as well, and may not be in a straightforward<br />

one-to-one matching with M-tenses. The particular M-tense distinctions encoded as<br />

L-tenses are language specific and, possibly, culturally dependent (Levinson 1983:77ff ). A<br />

serious question is raised by this analysis: If it is a (near) universal characteristic <strong>of</strong> languages<br />

to encode more than just temporal relationships in tense and aspect marking, how should<br />

these extra-temporal functions be handled in a theory <strong>of</strong> tense and aspect? Are they part<br />

<strong>of</strong> the basic definitions <strong>of</strong> tense and aspect, or are they somehow secondary, to be analyzed<br />

apart from the core meanings?<br />

Whether these extra-temporal uses are part <strong>of</strong> the basic definitions <strong>of</strong> tense and aspect<br />

is another point <strong>of</strong> contention. This section discusses in greater detail several kinds <strong>of</strong><br />

approaches to analyzing the extra-temporal functions <strong>of</strong> tense and aspect marking, from the<br />

strict temporal views <strong>of</strong> (e.g.) Reichenbach, to the radical holism <strong>of</strong> Mental Spaces Theory.<br />

1.2.3.1 Strict temporal approaches<br />

Reichenbach explains the non-correspondence <strong>of</strong> actual tense to philosophical, logical tense<br />

relations by referencing their “historical origin”: because languages develop tense functions<br />

slowly over time, “we should . . . not be astonished if actual language does not always fit the<br />

schema which we try to construct in symbolic logic”(Reichenbach 1947:298). In other words,<br />

the theory is perfect, but actual languages are not.<br />

Similarly, Comrie (1985) argues that the primary, basic meaning <strong>of</strong> the past tense is<br />

universally “past time reference”, and that deviations from these – for example, the use<br />

13 It seems this would hold even for languages without obligatory grammatical tense marking.<br />

12

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